LEFT LIBERAL WRITER KENT GREENFIELD ADMITS THAT SAME SEX ‘MARRIAGE’ WILL LEAD TO POLYGAMY AND INCEST

Posted on July 18, 2013 by abyssum

!!!!

The Slippery Slope to Polygamy and Incest

Kent Greenfield

http://prospect.org/article/slippery-slope-polygamy-and-incest

July 15, 2013

Opponents of same-sex marriage have long argued that allowing such unions will lead to marriages among more than two people and between adults who are related. They’re right.

AP Photo/Jonathan Ray Ward

Young girls outside a school in the polygamous commune of Bountiful, British Columbia

It’s been a few weeks since the victories in the marriage cases at the Supreme Court, and maybe it’s time for the political left to own up to something.

You know those opponents of marriage equality who said government approval of same-sex marriage might erode bans on polygamous and incestuous marriages? They’re right. As a matter of constitutional rationale, there is indeed a slippery slope between recognizing same-sex marriages and allowing marriages among more than two people and between consenting adults who are related. If we don’t want to go there, we need to come up with distinctions that we have not yet articulated well.

The left is in this bind in part because our arguments for expanding the marriage right to same-sex couples have been so compelling. Marriage, we’ve said, is about defining one’s own family and consecrating a union based on love. We’ve voiced these arguments in constitutional terms, using claims arising from the doctrines of “fundamental rights” and equal protection. Fundamental-rights analysis says that marriage is for many a crucial element of human flourishing, or as the Court said almost fifty years ago “essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness.” Because it’s so important, government can restrict marriage only by showing a truly compelling justification. The equal protection argument is simply that the marriage right should not be taken away from groups unless the government has good reasons to exclude those groups.

What it boils down to is that when the government wants to exclude groups from something important like marriage, it has to show good reasons for the exclusion.

When it comes to marriage, the fundamental rights claims and the equal protection arguments often intertwine. For example, Justice Kennedy’s opinion last month striking down a portion of the Defense of Marriage Act said that DOMA’s injection of “inequality into the United States Code” violated the “liberty” protected by the Constitution. The “inequality” part is equal protection language; the “liberty” wording is fundamental rights stuff. The analytical box is not all that important. What it boils down to is that when the government wants to exclude groups from something important like marriage, it has to show good reasons for the exclusion. And prejudice—simply thinking something is “icky”—doesn’t count as a reason.

The arguments supporters of same-sex marriage have made in court do not sufficiently distinguish marriage for lesbians and gay men from other possible claimants to the marriage right. If marriage is about the ability to define one’s own family, what’s the argument against allowing brothers and sisters (or first cousins) to wed? If liberty protects, as Kennedy wrote ten years ago in Lawrence v. Texas, the case striking down Texas’s anti-sodomy law, the “right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life,” why can’t people in polyamorous relationships claim that right as well? If it’s wrong to exclude groups because of prejudice, are we sure the uneasiness most of us feel about those who love more than one, or love one of their own, shouldn’t count as prejudice?

In private conversations with leaders in the marriage movement, I often hear two responses. The first is that there is no political energy behind a fight for incestuous or polygamous marriages. The second is that they would be fine if those restrictions fell as well but, in effect, “don’t quote me on that.” The first of these responses, of course, is a political response but not a legal one. The second is to concede the point, with hopes that they won’t have to come out of the closet on the concession until more same-sex victories are won in political and legal arenas.

Can we do better? What are the possible distinctions?

Ickiness.

This argument goes something like this: “Well, gay marriage is one thing. But incest and polygamy are icky.” I understand this visceral response. But of course this is the same kind of repulsion that has been standing in the way of LGBTQ rights for decades, and which motivated anti-miscegenation statutes before that. This kind of argument makes us sound dangerously close to those who oppose same-sex marriage by claiming it is “unnatural.”

Advertisement

Think of the Children!

This argument is more relevant to incest than polygamy. Incest raises the risk of birth defects, or so we’ve been told. But the risks are reportedly small, and probably less than for parents over forty, or smokers, or those with certain hereditary diseases. If the government stepped in to regulate the decisions of potential parents on those grounds, we’d rightly dust off our “nanny state” bromides. This is the kind of thing we usually leave for people to decide for themselves. Here, too, the argument that marriage is about protecting the children sounds eerily familiar to the arguments trotted out against same-sex couples for years. And even if we wanted to intervene to protect the potential offspring of incestuous couples, there are things we could do (mandatory genetic counseling, for example) short of outright bans on their marriages.

Polygamy and Incest are Coercive.

Perhaps polygamous and incestuous bonds are more likely to be coercive, especially for the women involved. Polygamy is often used to bolster a misogynistic, male-dominated family structure; incest is frequently the product or symptom of abuse and subjugation. To the extent coercion is present, then polygamous and incestuous marriages do not result from the exercise of free will and genuine choice.

This can be a strong argument, when borne out by facts. Father/daughter incest, for example, is surely so likely to be problematic on consent grounds that a government can ban it. But the further you get from that kind of genuine power imbalance, the weaker the coercion argument becomes. First cousins, it seems to me, are no more likely to be wrapped up in a coercive relationship than any other couple, related or not. (About twenty states, in fact, allow first cousins to marry—more than allow same sex couples.) And while polygamous marriages may more likely embody traditional stereotypes and roles, since when has that been a matter of government concern? As long as each individual who enters into a polyamorous relationship does so freely, and as long as divorce is available if they want out, then arguments from coercion are not particularly powerful.

Polygamy and Incest are Choices.

If the coercion argument doesn’t persuade, we could swing the other way and say sexual orientation is hard wired, but polygamy and incest are choices. In equal-protection analysis, the Court has suggested that discrimination based on immutable characteristics is more suspect, meaning the government has to show a more significant justification for the classification.

But arguments from immutability are awkward in this context. Maybe I am speaking out of school here, but arguments for marriage equality do not really depend on the claim that people have no choice about who they are. Rather, the argument that resonates most with Americans is that LGBTQ people have the same right to make choices about their families as straight people. Let’s be honest: If science revealed tomorrow that sexual orientation is fluid and changeable, the arguments in favor of marriage equality would essentially be the same, wouldn’t they? Just like our arguments for religious liberty do not depend on whether people are destined by biology to be a Methodist, our arguments about the liberty to marry need not depend on science. In any event, if we throw all our eggs in the “it’s about the hardwiring” basket, are we sure we have made the distinction we want? Are we confident that science will show that people who are polyamorous or who are attracted to a cousin are not hardwired that way?

LGBTQ Groups are Less Politically Powerful.

The conventional view of the equal protection clause is that it empowers courts to step in to protect—in the words of the leading Supreme Court case on point—“discrete and insular” groups that are systemically disadvantaged in the political process. So to make this argument, we’d have to say that gay-rights groups are less influential in mainstream politics than those who advocate for polyamory and consensual incest. That seems flat wrong. Political successes with regard to same-sex marriage are only recent, to be sure. But the political trend is clear, and marriage equality will be a reality for most same-sex couples in America in the foreseeable future. If anything, the argument from political disenfranchisement cuts the other way—that polygamous and incestuous couples deserve more constitutional protection than same-sex couples.

If these distinctions do not hold water, we have two options. We can continue to search for differences that make sense as a matter of constitutional principle. Or we can fess up. We can admit our arguments in favor of marriage equality inexorably lead us to a broader battle in favor of allowing people to define their marriages, and their families, by their own lights.

 

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

 

Lawyer Advocate of Same Sex Marriage Admits It Opens Door to Polygamy and Incest
Greenfield leaves little doubt, as evident in the manner of his discussion, that he sees the weakness of the arguments and doubts their effectiveness in holding back the ultimate effect which was unleashed by the Windsor opinion
CHESAPEAKE, VA (Catholic Online) – In an honest and potentially explosive article written for the American Prospect, a self identifying liberal/progressive left wing magazine,  Boston College Law Professor Kent Greenfield told the truth that many Cultural Revolutionaries behind the movement to change the definition of marriage have tried to deny. The article is entitled The Slippery Slope to Polygamy and Incest and can be read here.   http://prospect.org/article/slippery-slope-polygamy-and-incest
The Law Professor began the article with this assessment: “It’s been a few weeks since the victories in the marriage cases at the Supreme Court, and maybe it’s time for the political left to own up to something. You know those opponents of marriage equality who said government approval of same-sex marriage might erode bans on polygamous and incestuous marriages?”
“They’re right. As a matter of constitutional rationale, there is indeed a slippery slope between recognizing same-sex marriages and allowing marriages among more than two people and between consenting adults who are related. If we don’t want to go there, we need to come up with distinctions that we have not yet articulated well.”
Now, let me explain the importance of this admission. Law Professor Greenfield supported the radical restructuring of the definition of marriage affirmed in the US Supreme Court’s recent Windsor decision. He supported using the power of the State to enforce a moral and legal equivalency between homosexual and lesbian partnerships and marriage between a man and a woman.
People who defended marriage against the Homosexual Equivalency movement prior to Justice Kennedy’s indecipherable and horrid opinion in the Supreme Court Windsor opinion were accused of being alarmist, or even homophobic. Now, one of the architects of the Cultural Revolution acknowledges they were actually giving an accurate assessment.
Greenfield continued: “The arguments supporters of same-sex marriage have made in court do not sufficiently distinguish marriage for lesbians and gay men from other possible claimants to the marriage right. If marriage is about the ability to define one’s own family, what’s the argument against allowing brothers and sisters (or first cousins) to wed?”
“If liberty protects, as Kennedy wrote ten years ago in Lawrence v. Texas, the case striking down Texas’s anti-sodomy law, the “right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life,” why can’t people in polyamorous relationships claim that right as well? If it’s wrong to exclude groups because of prejudice, are we sure the uneasiness most of us feel about those who love more than one, or love one of their own, shouldn’t count as prejudice?”
The activist Law professor addressed some possible arguments which might prevent the ultimate outcome of this recent Supreme Court precedent opening the door to polygamy, incestuous marriages and other such relationship configurations. This very danger was occasioned by the manufacture of a new right to marry bestowed upon lesbians and homosexuals by the US Supreme Court.
He suggested that these arguments be developed by the Left in order to attempt to distinguish homosexual and lesbian ‘marriages’ from these other couplings. In short, to attempt to prevent the opening to polygamy and incestuous marriages. They include what he calls ‘ickiness’, the potential injury to children and the argument that incestuous relationships and polygamy are coercive and a matter of choice – not genetically programmed as he apparently believes homosexuality and lesbianism are.
However, Greenfield leaves little doubt, as evident in the manner of his discussion, that he sees the weakness of the arguments and doubts their effectiveness in holding back the ultimate effect which was unleashed by the Windsor opinion and the activist strategy in its wake – to compel every State to recognize same sex marriage. He concludes with this stark opinion:
“If these distinctions do not hold water, we have two options. We can continue to search for differences that make sense as a matter of constitutional principle. Or we can fess up. We can admit our arguments in favor of marriage equality inexorably lead us to a broader battle in favor of allowing people to define their marriages, and their families, by their own lights.”
Justice Kennedy unleashed a whirlwind which threatens the common good of society. How tragic it is that a Catholic who is on the highest bench has paved the way to legal, social, moral and cultural anarchy. Of Course, he tipped his hand as a relativist in his opinions in Casey and Lawrence v Texas by opining that “at the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.”
That now often quoted gnostic statement is simply metaphysical nonsense. Some of the Justices of the Supreme Court have apparently decided they are the new alchemists of our age. They claim they can change the structure of reality with the stroke of their judicial pen. They no longer even pretend to rely on precedent, let alone the Natural Moral Law. They have decided the law is what they say it is, following the path of the legal positivists.
They are wrong, even if they presently wield a lot of temporal power. Marriage and family have been inscribed by the Divine Architect into the order of creation. Marriage is ontologically between one man and one woman, ordered toward the union of the spouses, open to children and formative of family. Family is the first vital cell of society; the first church, first school, first hospital, first economy, first government and first mediating institution of our social order.
Marriage as existing solely between one man and one woman was not an idea manufactured by the Christian Church. It precedes Christianity. Though affirmed, fulfilled, and elevated by Christian teaching, the truth that marriage can exist only between one man and one woman is not based on religion or revelation alone, but on the Natural Moral Law, written on the human heart and discernible through the exercise of reason. The future of a free and healthy society passes through marriage and the family.
This claim of the existence of such a Natural Moral Law is the ground upon which every great civilization has been built. It is the source of every authentic human and civil rights movement. This Natural Moral Law gives us the norms we need to build truly human and humane societies and govern ourselves. It should also inform our positive law or we will become lawless and devolve into anarchy.
The precedent established in the Windsor opinion, as this proponent of the Cultural Revolution now admits, leaves no room for any limitation on what can constitute a marriage under its rationale (or lack thereof to be more accurate). The Supreme Court had no authority to redefine marriage. It acted beyond its proper constitutional role and contrary to the Natural Moral Law which transcends religions, culture, and time.
Experience and history have shown us that if the government redefines marriage to grant a legal equivalency to same-sex couples, that same government will enforce such an action with the police power of the State. This will bring about an inevitable collision with religious freedom and conscience rights. It has already begun.
The fact that this Law Professor proponent of the Cultural Revolution admits the implications of the Supreme Court Windsor ruling only makes the necessity of a unified response by the defenders of real marriage, between one man and one woman, all the more urgent and clear.

About abyssum

I am a retired Roman Catholic Bishop, Bishop Emeritus of Corpus Christi, Texas
This entry was posted in GAY 'MARRIAGE', HUMAN SEXUALITY, LAWRENCE V TEXAS, LGBT, LIBERALISM, MORAL RELATIVISM, POLITICAL LIFE IN AMERICA, RELATIVISM, SAME SEX ATTRACTION, SAME-SEX 'MARRIAGE'. Bookmark the permalink.