RIGOR MORTIS OF THE MIND IS MORE DEADLY THAN RIGOR MORTIS OF THE BODY – PART ONE

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AN ANALYSIS OF A STATEMENT MADE BY FRANCIS

by Peter Amos Cohen

10 February 17

“Rigid thinking is not divine because Jesus assumed our flesh, which is not rigid except at the time of death.” Pope Francis

Circumstances and Analogies: Nazis did not just flee to Argentina after WWII, they brought their existentialist philosophy with them and spread it to the Argentinians. The roots of Francis’ moral heresy are found in his German existentialism.

The statement by Francis has many terms which are redefined in ways that are incompatible with the faith as articulated and transmitted in Catholic tradition. The statement can be compared in two ways to a priest who wears Hawaiian shirts around the Church, instead of his clerics: first, its purpose is to reach or connect with unformed people; second, it uses the Church’s place in the world to connect with people in a way that does not, ultimately, build up the kingdom of God because it fails to dispose the people it connect with to understanding the Christian faith. It is, therefore, an example of an effort to be pastoral by emptying the faith of its content.

Background for the analysis of the statement by Francis.

As any essence of a physical being, human nature includes both matter and form. A physical being is formed matter. The matter of a physical being is constantly changing, but the form is fixed and immutable (i.e. rigid) so long as a being still exists. For instance, although I have undergone many changes since my youth, I remain a human being and, substantially, the same human being (I remain myself) throughout the changes. While remaining substantially the same, the form itself undergoes modifications (accidental changes), insofar as it contains potentialities which are being actualized virtuously or viciously. For example, my mind moves from not knowing (i.e. a blank slate) to knowing. Amidst all the changes, substance is necessary to account for existential stability — that being remains itself (the same being) throughout the changes.

It is knowledge of a being’s substance or nature (especially the form) that enables one to determine what is good and bad for human beings, so that what is good for a rational animal differs from what is good for a canine. Since this nature remains the same, regardless of circumstances, there are things that remain bad for it, regardless of circumstances. These things are called intrinsically evil. Furthermore, there are things that remain good for it regardless of circumstances, and these are called intrinsically good. The existence of the natural law does not depend on a knowledge of human nature; the knowledge of the natural law, however, is based on an understanding of human nature. If you deny the unchanging parts of human nature, you necessarily have no fixed basis within the human being from which to abstract and derive moral norms. Hence, one is forced into a situational ethics and a proportionalism or consequentialism.         

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THE 9TH CIRCUIT COURT RUNS TRUE TO FORM WITH ITS STUPIDITIES

JUDICIAL TYRANNY: 5 Biggest Legal Stupidities In The Ninth Circuit’s Decision To Stop Trump’s Executive Order

FEBRUARY 9, 2017
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The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals’ absurd ruling against President Trump’s immigration and refugee executive order contains a bevy of legal problems. It’s not just a bad political ruling, though it is – it’s bad law. Here are five of the biggest problems with the ruling:

1. States Suffer “Concrete and Particularized Injury” If Aliens Can’t Come To University Classes.This is absolutely absurd. It would strike down virtually any immigration law. All immigration laws restrict classes of people from entering, numbers of people from entering. Some of those people would undoubtedly go to university, or teach there. Does this mean that states can now sue to overturn all immigration laws?

2. The Federal Government Doesn’t Suffer “Irreparable Injury” If The Courts Overrule Immigration Policy. The court casually states that while the government has an interest in combatting terrorism, the “Government has done little more than reiterate that fact.” The executive branch didn’t explain sufficiently to the judiciary why the executive order needed to be put into effect, and so the executive branch has to go home emptyhanded. Again, this is ridiculous. Are we supposed to wait to be hit? Would the judiciary apply this same standard to, say, gun control laws?

3. Everybody Has Due Process Rights. This is perhaps the craziest element of the ruling: the statement that everyone from lawful permanent residents to aliens with a visa traveling abroad has due process rights. The court even says that illegal aliens have due process rights. The Constitution isn’t just for citizens anymore – which begs the question as to why anyone would bother applying for citizenship.

4. Courts Can Look To Motive Rather Than Text. The court said that they could look at Donald Trump’s statements during the campaign about a Muslim ban in order to evaluate this executive order. This is dangerous. Attempting to read the minds of those who put together laws is far more arbitrary than reading the text or looking at the application of the law. It’s also amazing that the Ninth Circuit would say this now, but that the Supreme Court would ignore President Obama saying for YEARS that Obamacare was not a tax, then rule that Obamacare was indeed a tax.

5. The Court Refuses To Strike Down Portions. Normally, the court works to avoid striking down entire laws or staying entire executive orders. Instead, the court just threw up its hands and suggested that it had done its best, but it couldn’t bother doing a close read.

All in all, the decision is damningly silly. That doesn’t make the executive order a model of legal brilliance – it’s got plenty of problems I have discussed elsewhere. But the court’s decision here does more damage to the law than the executive order, and it ain’t close.

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THE INSANITY OF THE NINTH CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS REASONING

 

The White House is seen as the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit ruled that President Trump’s travel order will remain blocked. (European Pressphoto Agency)

The 9th Circuit’s dangerous and unprecedented use of campaign statements to block presidential policy

February 9 at 9:15 PM
THE WASHINGTON POST
[Emphasis and {commentary} in red type by Abyssum]

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit has just upheld a nationwide temporary injunction on President Trump’s executive order relating to refugees and visas from certain countries. I think the court’s opinion is weak in most respects, but I will address one of the most interesting and potentially far-reaching aspects.

Generally, the president has vast discretion in issuing visas. One of the major arguments against the executive order is that while in principle a president can limit immigration from the seven affected countries, it would be unconstitutional for President Trump in particular to do so, because in his case the action is motivated by impermissible religious bias. The central exhibit for this argument is his campaign statements about a “Muslim ban.”

While the 9th Circuit did not address this at great length, focusing instead on due-process arguments, it did accept the basic validity of the form of the states’ argument. “The States’ claims raise serious allegations and present significant constitutional questions,” wrote the court.

There is absolutely no precedent for courts looking to a politician’s statements from before he or she took office, let alone campaign promises, to establish any kind of impermissible motive. The 9th Circuit fairly disingenuously cites several Supreme Court cases that show “that evidence of purpose beyond the face of the challenged law may be considered in evaluating Establishment and Equal Protection Clause claims.” But the cases it mentions do nothing more than look at legislative history — the formal process of adopting the relevant measure. That itself goes too far for textualists, but it provides absolutely no support for looking before the start of the formal deliberations on the measure to the political process of electing its proponents.

Indeed, a brief examination of cases suggests the idea has been too wild to suggest. For example, the 10th Circuit has rejected the use of a district attorney’s campaign statements against certain viewpoints to show that a prosecution he commenced a few days after office was “bad faith or harassment.” As the court explained, even looking at such statements would “chill debate during campaign[s].” If campaign statements can be policed, the court concluded, it would in short undermine democracy: “the political process for selecting prosecutors should reflect the public’s judgment as to the proper enforcement of the criminal laws.” Phelps v. Hamilton, 59 F.3d 1058, 1068 (10th Cir. 1995).

There are sound policy reasons for ignoring campaign statements or promises to shed light on subsequent official action. For one, campaign promises are often insincere, designed to appeal to voters. Indeed, they are explicitly instrumental, and their goal is not policy outputs, but election. Moreover, implemented laws or policies are often substantially different from promises, as is the case here.

Even the use of legislative/administrative history, in its most expansive form, looks only at the actual process – and not the personal background of the legislators, let alone before they took office. As the 9th Circuit itself put it in a discrimination case, “statements by decisionmakers unrelated to the decisional process itself” do not prove a discriminatory motive. McGinest v. GTE Serv. Corp., 360 F.3d 1103, 1138 (9th Cir. 2004).

The 9th Circuit’s ruling Thursday throws open a huge door to examinations of the entire lives of political officials whose motives may be relevant to legal questions. This introduces more uncertainty and judicial power into legal interpretation than even the most robust use of legislative/administrative history. Without a clear cutoff at assumption of office, attacks on statutes will become deep dives into politicians’ histories.

More broadly, constitutional structure supports examining only executive statements to interpret executive action. When Trump made his most controversial statements, he was private citizen. He had not sworn to uphold the Constitution, or to take care that the laws be faithfully executed. He was, in this sense, a legally differently obligated person. His policies and their relation to the Constitution would presumably be affected by his oath — that is why the Constitution requires it.

Moreover, the Constitution’s oft-forgotten opinion clause supports disregarding pre-inauguration statements. The Constitution puts at the president’s service the officials of the administration and requires they advise him as asked. What it means here is that the president must be seen as the unitary head of the executive branch and the pinnacle of a process of executive decision-making. That process is the only constitutionally recognized executive process. A candidate’s possible plans or promises are not part of the process. The opinion clause also suggests a president cannot be bound by the oral statements of federal officials (like Rudy Guiliani), especially when not “upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices.”

By accepting the use of preelection statements to impeach and limit executive policy, the 9th Circuit is taking a dangerous step. The states’ argument is in essence that Trump is a bigot, and thus his winning presidential campaign in fact impeaches him from exercising key constitutional and statutory powers, such as administering the immigration laws.

This would mean that Trump is automatically disbarred, from the moment of his inauguration, of exercising certain presidential powers, not because of his actions as president, but because of who he is — that is, how he won the presidency.

At oral argument, the judges asked if Trump could ban travel from all majority-Muslim countries. The question should be reversed. If the plaintiffs cast Trump’s views of immigration as impermissible, by this reasoning he cannot take the otherwise clearly legal action of restricting immigration from any of the world’s 50-odd majority-Muslim countries. This would mean that immigration system as created by Congress — which depends on broad executive discretion — will have essentially been destroyed.

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WILL THE REAL JORGE BERGOLIO STEP FORWARD, PLEASE !!!

 

Settimo Cielodi Sandro Magister 

10 feb 17

This Time, “La Civiltà Cattolica” Dissents From the Pope. On Populism

Chavez

 

*

In the latest issue of “La Civiltà Cattolica” – the one before the fateful issue number 4000 that comes out on February 11 with great fanfare, complete with a papal dedication and his umpteenth interview – there is an article of undeniable interest that concerns Venezuela.

The author, Arturo Peraza, 52, is the Jesuit who took the place of fellow countryman Arturo Sosa Abascal, elected superior general of the Society of Jesus, as the new provincial of Venezuela. And he sketches an alarming profile of the disaster into which his country has been plunged by the Bolivarian “revolution” carried out by President Hugo Chávez (in the photo) and by his successor, Nicolás Maduro.

So then, Fr. Peraza calls the current regime in Venezuela “populist,” as were also – he adds – the regimes of Juan and Evita Perón in Argentina, of Getulio Vargas in Brazil, and more recently of Alberto Fujimori in Peru.

A definition that for him is certainly not favorable, as can be seen in this passage from his article in “La Civiltà Cattolica”:

“[In Venezuela] the revolution set out to create a new institutional framework referred to as ‘socialist.’ But [. . .] in reality the Chavista project is a model that in politics can be better defined as ‘political populism or personalism,’ and that in Latin America was embodied by, for example, Perón (and Evita) and Vargas. Today one speaks of ‘neo-populism’ to refer to governments like that of Fujimori or that of Chávez. Here the fundamental key of interpretation is the fact that, rather than an institutional framework (made up of parties and structure), a leader is selected who in some way represents the popular masses. This leader takes on a condition of ‘semi-sovereign,’ in the sense that the sovereignty resides in the people, who, through elections, delegate it to the president elect. He, although appearing from the formal point of view as subject to the structure of the liberal state, in reality departs from it radically, making necessary the social transformation that he himself represents, assumes, promotes, and sets in motion. So the other powers of the state become mere bandleaders for the one who holds the executive power.”

But if we go to the interview with Pope Francis released on January 21 in the Spanish newspaper “El País,” we see that the pope indeed formulates a negative judgment of the forms of populism in Europe and North America, even comparing them with Hitler, but speaks very favorably of the forms of populism and “popular movements” in Latin America.

Here are the question and answer on this specific point:

Q. – Both in Europe and in America, the repercussions of the crisis that never ends, the growing inequalities, the absence of a strong leadership are giving way to political groups that reflect on the citizens’ malaise, in order to form a message full of xenophobia and hatred towards foreigners. Trump’s case is the most noteworthy, but there are others such as Austria or Switzerland. Are you worried about this trend?

A. – That is what they call populism here. It is an equivocal term, because in Latin America populism has another meaning. In Latin America, it means that the people – for instance, people’s movements – are the protagonists. They are self-organized. When I started to hear about populism in Europe I didn’t know what to make of it, until I realized that it had different meanings. Crises provoke fear, alarm. In my opinion, the most obvious example of populism in the European sense of the word is Germany in 1933. After Hindenburg, after the crisis of 1930, Germany is broken, it needs to get up, to find its identity, it needs a leader, someone capable of restoring its character, and there is a young man named Adolf Hitler who says: “I can, I can”. And Germans vote for Hitler. Hitler didn’t steal power, his people voted for him, and then he destroyed his people. That is the risk.

*

And this is a first contradiction: between Jorge Mario Bergoglio’s positive judgment on the Latin American forms of populism and the simultaneous negative judgment of the provincial of the Jesuits in Venezuela, in “La Civiltà Cattolica.”

But there is another contradiction, again in the judgment of the Latin American forms of populism: between the Bergoglio who is pope today and the Bergoglio who in 2007 was the main author of the concluding document of the conference in Aparecida for the bishops of the continent.

In that document, to which Pope Francis still refers frequently, Latin American populism is mentioned only once, in paragraph 74. And with judgments that are wholly and solely negative:

“We note a certain democratic progress which is evident in various electoral processes. However, we view with concern the rapid advance of various kinds of authoritarian regression by democratic means which sometimes lead to regimes of a neo-populist type. This indicates that a purely formal democracy founded on fair election procedures is not enough, but rather that what is required is a participatory democracy based on promoting and respecting human rights. A democracy without values, such as those just mentioned, easily becomes a dictatorship and ultimately betrays the people.”

*

So which is the real Bergoglio? The one of Aparecida in 2007 or the one of today?

No doubt about it. His authentic thinking on Latin American populism is that which is favorable, even enthusiastic, and that he has lavished above all in those political “manifestos” that are the three copious speeches to the “popular movements” that he convened first in Rome in 2014, then in Santa Crux de la Sierra, Bolivia in 2015, and again in Rome in 2016:

> Bergoglio, Politician. The Myth of the Chosen People

On the practical level, this predilection of Pope Francis for Latin American populism manifests itself in the affection he has repeatedly demonstrated for champions like the Castro brothers in Cuba, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, José Mujica in Uruguay, as also in his coldness toward the opponents of Chávez and Maduro in Venezuela, and toward the current president of Argentina, the “liberal” Mauricio Macri.

But there is also a theoretical and theological backdrop for this predilection of his.

In a couple of interviews Pope Francis did not hesitate to define the notion of the people as a “mystical” and “legendary” category.

But there was one occasion on which he expressed this thinking of his more completely. And it was the speech that he gave on November 13, 2015 to a conference of the Romano Guardini Foundation.

Guardini is the Italian-German philosopher and theologian on whom Bergoglio based his uncompleted doctoral thesis in theology. And as pope he says he has taken inspiration from him for a “concept of the people” that goes along well with the “teología del pueblo” of his Argentine Jesuit teacher Juan Carlos Scannone.

The people, Francis said in that speech to the Romano Guardini Foundation, “signifies the compendium of what is genuine, profound, essential in man.” In the people, “as in a mirror,” one must recognize the “force field of divine action.” And for this reason, the pope added, “I prefer to say – I am certain of it – that ‘people’ is not a logical category, but a mystical category.”

The concepts are high, towering. But Bergoglio is a practical man. And from people to populism is for him a small step.

———-

POSTSCRIPT – The divergence described above between the thought of Francis and that of “La Civiltà Cattolica” on the subject of populism is the classic exception that proves the rule. And the rule is the very close connection between the pope and the magazine.

It is the connection that Francis himself confirmed and reinforced in the speech that he gave on Thursday, February 9 to the writing staff of “La Civiltà Cattolica,” received at the Vatican on the occasion of the release of issue number 4000 of the magazine:

“In my work I see you, follow you, accompany you with affection. Your magazine is often on my desk. And I know that in your work you never lose sight of me. You have faithfully accompanied all the fundamental phases of my pontificate, the publication of the encyclicals and apostolic exhortations, giving a faithful interpretation of them.”

From which it can be gathered, for example, that the go-ahead on communion for the divorced and remarried, given by “La Civiltà Cattolica” even before the release of the post-synodal exhortation “Amoris Laetitia,” was and is “a faithful interpretation” of the pope’s thought:

> Francis Is Silent, But Another Jesuit Is Speaking For Him (7.11.2015)

In the same speech on February 9, Francis also said that “for a long time the secretariat of state has been sending ‘La Civiltà Cattolica’ to all the nunciatures in the world” and expressed his happiness over the upcoming editions of the magazine in Spanish, English, French, and Korean. One more way to spread his thinking everywhere, and with authority.

(English translation by Matthew Sherry, Ballwin, Missouri, U.S.A.)

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ORWELL’S 1984 IS A WARNING AGAINST SOCIALISM WHOSE INNER DYNAMIC ALWAYS TENDS TOWARDS TOTALITARIANISM

Image result for PHOTO OF GEORGE ORWELL

George Orwell: Jaded Revolutionary – Brilliant Conservative

The True Lessons of 1984

by NATHAN SCHLUETER

February 9, 2017 4:00 AM

NATIONAL REVIEW

The novel is a warning against socialism that Democrats should heed.

One of the most intriguing developments in our current unpredictable political climate has been the Left’s co-opting of George Orwell’s dystopian novel 1984 as a dramatic warning of the dangers of the Trump administration. The book has surged to first place on Amazon’s best-seller list, and a stage production is in the works.

Michiko Kakutani’s recent New York Times article “Why ‘1984’ Is a 2017 Must-Read” highlights the kind of connections liberals are making between, say, Kellyanne Conway’s appeal to “alternative facts” and “Newspeak,” the reductive language of 1984 designed to “narrow the range of thought.” I, for one, wholeheartedly endorse Kakutani’s suggestion that people take up and read 1984, not only because any increase in substantive reading by ordinary Americans is a good thing, but also because readers may discover there something quite different from what they are being lead to expect, something that they have great need to know.

1984 is not a warning against populist despotism, troubling as that possibility may be. It is a warning against socialism, whose inner dynamic always tends towards totalitarianism. Begin with a fact that virtually every recent piece on 1984 fails to mention: The governing philosophy of Oceania is “English Socialism.” The ruler of Oceania, Big Brother, with his “heavy black mustache,” looks unmistakably like Joseph Stalin; members of the Party address one another as “Comrade”; and the non-party members of Oceania are called “proles” (short for proletariat), an allusion that clearly identifies the provenance of the ideas Orwell is criticizing.

From its opening lines, 1984 captures the grim atmosphere and grinding poverty of socialism: “Winston Smith, his chin nuzzled in his breast in an effort to escape the vile wind, slipped quickly through the glass doors of Victory Mansions, though not quickly enough to prevent a swirl of gritty dust from entering along with him. The hallway smelt of boiled cabbage and old rag mats.” The description could fit any city behind the Iron Curtain.

1984 can fruitfully be read alongside two other warnings against socialist totalitarianism, F. A. Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom (1944) and C. S. Lewis’s The Abolition of Man (1943), which were published several years before 1984 (1949). In The Road to Serfdom, Hayek traces the logic that leads from socialism to totalitarianism. Socialism seeks to overcome the greed, waste, competitiveness, and inequality generated by the free market with central economic planning by administrative and regulatory “experts.” But whoever controls the means of life, Hayek observed, necessarily controls the ends of life.

Moreover, central planning, because it requires minute and particular decisions by some centralized political authority, is incompatible with the rule of law and limited government. The concentration and exercise of power required by central planning explains “Why the Worst Get on Top,” as one chapter puts it. Oceania, with its Ministry of Truth, Ministry of Peace, and Ministry of Love, with its constantly shifting quotas and rations of coffee, gin, shoes, and cigarettes, where “nothing [is] illegal, since there [are] no longer any laws” (but where one can still be “punished by death”), where the rulers live in luxury while systematically depriving others of basic needs, where all mediating institutions between the state and the individual have been crowded out, eroded, or deliberately destroyed, exemplifies the bureaucratic and despotic nightmare of centralized planning.

As the book describing the aims of Oceania’s Party states: “It had long been recognized that the only secure basis for oligarchy is collectivism. Wealth and privilege are most easily defended when they are possessed jointly. The so-called ‘abolition of private property’ which took place in the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the concentration of property in far fewer hands than before.” Hayek shows why the central planning required by socialism ultimately undermines its own ends. And indeed, the socialist Party in Oceania only nominally pursues the original goals of socialism.

This fact perplexes the protagonist of 1984, Winston Smith: “I understand HOW: I do not understand WHY,” he writes in his diary. The deep roots of this “why” can be found in C. S. Lewis’s The Abolition of Man. There Lewis uncovers the philosophical roots of socialist totalitarianism: Francis Bacon’s scientific project to conquer nature for the relief of human suffering. That project entails a reconceptualization of nature, from an intelligible order of formal and final causes to mere matter in motion that must be “tortured” by human technology to reveal its secrets.

To assist this project, Bacon in his New Atlantis invented a new form of literature, “science fiction,” in which he celebrated the complete scientific domination of nature. But as Lewis’s argument suggests, the culmination of the Baconian project is not New Atlantis but 1984. On the one hand, Lewis points out that technology never simply increases “mankind’s” power over nature. It always only increases the power of some men over other men. Moreover, nature as Bacon conceived of it excludes the possibility of a “natural moral law” (what Lewis called the “Tao”) that might restrain and guide “nature,” or raw appetite. Left unchecked, therefore, the Baconian project of increasing man’s power over “nature” must eventually result in the victory of “nature” over man.

This victory of “nature” over man does not consist in the denial of this or that particular truth (for example, the size of the crowd at a presidential inauguration), as troubling as that might be; it rests on the denial of the possibility of truth. Confidence that truth exists is the foundation for Winston’s hope that the Party will one day be defeated. “Freedom is the freedom to say that two plus two makes four. If that is granted, all else follows,” he writes in his diary. The same point is made by John Paul II in Centesimus Annus: “Totalitarianism arises out of a denial of truth in the objective sense.”

O’Brien, the novel’s voice of the socialist Party, denies that there is any ‘objective reality’ apart from the mind. The concept of truth entails the possibility that the mind can conform correctly (or incorrectly) to extra-mental reality, and therefore that there is something in nature (and human nature) that can resist domination and control. But as Immanuel Kant clearly saw (the epigraph for his First Critique is from Bacon), Baconian science rests on the assumption that reality conforms to the mind, not the mind to reality.

This is not far from the claim that the mind makes reality. O’Brien, the novel’s voice of the socialist Party, denies that there is any “objective reality” apart from the mind. “Reality exists in the human mind, and nowhere else,” he tells Winston. “You must get rid of those nineteenth-century ideas about the laws of nature. We make the laws of nature.” O’Brien’s aim is to “cure” Winston of the “insane” belief that there is any reality apart from his will. O’Brien makes clear to Winston what this surrender will mean. “Never again will you be capable of ordinary human feeling,” he tells Winston. “Everything will be dead inside you. Never again will you be capable of love, or friendship, or joy of living, or laughter, or curiosity, or courage, or integrity.”

Is this the ultimate consequence of an educational system predicated upon cultural relativism and the systematic denial that truth exists? There is one other source of hope for Winston: “If there is hope it lies in the proles.”Unlike the members of the Party, the proles are given almost complete freedom to travel, buy, sell, trade, and otherwise spend their leisure. Winston is attracted to a natural goodness he sees in the proles. He writes in his diary about watching a violent war film that features the dismemberment of small children by a bomb. The audience cheers, “but a woman down in the prole part of the house suddenly started kicking up a fuss and shouting they didnt oughter of showed it not in front of the kids they didnt it aint right not in front of the kids it aint until the police turned her out.”

Later, observing with “mystical reverence” a prole woman singing outside his window as she hangs her laundry, he comments: “The birds sang, the proles sang, the Party did not sing. . . . You were dead; theirs [i.e., the proles’] was the future. But you could share in that future if you kept alive the mind as they kept alive the body, and passed on the secret doctrine that two plus two makes four.” Winston’s arrest occurs immediately after this episode. But Orwell shows the reader the proles alone are not a real alternative to totalitarianism, but a complement to it. Although the Party does not directly control the proles, it rules them inwardly by feeding them on a steady diet of mass-engineered sentimental music and pornographic literature. This along with “films, football, beer, and, above all, gambling filled the horizon of their minds.”

Orwell highlights the fact that the proles are also without a conception of truth, because they lack the capacity for making the kind of universal judgments that truth requires, and “being without general ideas, they could only focus [their discontent] on petty specific grievances.” At one point Winston attempts to learn from an old prole what life was like before the revolution, but all he can get are particular descriptions: “A sense of helplessness took hold of Winston. The old man’s memory was nothing but a rubbish heap of details. One could question him all day without getting any real information.”

Expressive individualism, fed on Hollywood pop culture, assists, rather than resists, totalitarianism. In the end, 1984 is an unbelievably dark novel, but there are moments of light, and those moments are instructive. What they show is that the prospects for resistance to socialist totalitarianism rest in fundamentally conservative sentiments and ideas. Those sentiments and principles consist in the affirmation of transpolitical goods that set firm limits to political authority. Two of these moments are worth mentioning.

In the end, 1984 is an unbelievably dark novel, but there are moments of light, and those moments are instructive. One day while surreptitiously exploring the shops in the prole part of town, Winston comes across a heavy lump of glass with a pink piece of sea coral in its center. He is immediately attracted to it, and purchases it. “What appealed to him about it was not so much its beauty as the air it seemed to possess of belonging to an age quite different from the present one. . . . The thing was doubly attractive because of its apparent uselessness, though he could guess that it must once have been intended as a paperweight.” Orwell then adds: “It was a queer thing, even a compromising thing, for a Party member to have in his possession. Anything old, and for that matter anything beautiful, was always vaguely suspect.” In this moment Winston transcends the Baconian conception of nature that surrounds him. The coral at the center of the glass ball exemplifies nature, and the glass ball exemplifies culture. Coral is the skeleton of a sea polyp, which — to quote Shakespeare on coral in another place – “suffers a sea change / Into something rich and strange” (The Tempest I, ii, 399–400). Coral points to the ultimate beneficence of nature, to its capacity to bring beauty even out of death. The purpose of the glass ball, a work of art, is not to use up or destroy the coral, but to preserve it and to present it for human contemplation.

The paperweight is a symbolic education in limited government. It reflects not Bacon’s godless nature, but “nature and Nature’s God,” which point to goods like beauty and truth that transcend, and therefore set limits to, politics. But in 1984 even the comfort of this experience is fleeting. When Winston is later arrested, someone smashes the paperweight on the hearthstone. “The fragment of coral, a tiny crackle of pink like a sugar rosebud from a cake, rolled across the mat. How small, thought Winston, how small it was!”

The other moment involves Winston’s romance with Julia. One of the aims of the Party is to control and direct the sexual impulses of its members through arranged marriages and organizations like the Junior Anti-Sex League, of which Julia is a leader even as she covertly despises it. When they first secretly meet in the country for a sexual liaison, Winston asks Julia, “You like doing this? I don’t mean simply me; I mean the thing itself?” Julia responds, “I adore it.” Orwell then writes: “This was above all what he wanted to hear. Not merely the love of one person, but the animal instinct, the simple undifferentiated desire: That was the force that would tear the Party to pieces. . . . Their embrace had been a battle, the climax a victory. It was a blow struck against the Party. It was a political act.”

In a very uncharacteristic misinterpretation, C. S. Lewis in The Four Loves took Orwell to task for this reductionistic depiction of sexual desire. But in fact Orwell subtly acknowledges the poverty of this initial opinion and gradually corrects it. The real danger of sexual desire for totalitarianism, Orwell suggests, is not the sexual act itself (after all, the proles have plenty of that) but the intrinsic tendency of sexual desire towards the transpolitical good of a community of persons rooted in exclusivity, permanence, and domesticity. Legal marriage being made impossible by the Party, Winston and Julia secretly rent a room in the prole section of town, where they dress up, dream, and enact the private life of a married couple. And it is precisely through this friendship that they decide to engage in a revolt against the Party, knowing that it will eventually mean their death.

In conclusion, the person reading 1984 for insight into America’s current political situation should ask a number of questions: Which political party had a leading presidential candidate proudly declare himself to be a socialist? Which party’s president consistently sought to expand the regulatory administrative state, often by lawless means? Which party dominates the institutions of higher learning, where the possibility of truth has been consistently undermined by assumptions of skepticism, scientism, and value relativism, and where utility has replaced contemplation as the end of education? Which party controls America’s public-school system, where these same ideas are consistently promoted? Which party is most closely associated with Hollywood’s celebration of sexual liberation and sentimentalism? Finally, which party has sought to elevate the state over God by coercing private individuals to violate their consciences? In sum, if 1984 has a practical lesson, it is this: There is a world of difference between a despotism dedicated to the expansion of socialism through federal-government power and a despotism dedicated to dismantling it. The former suffocates; the latter, though not without its serious dangers, just might create room to breathe. Conservatives must work to ensure that this breathing space becomes the occasion for the revival of true conservative ideas, principles, and sentiments.

 

— Nathan Schlueter is a professor of philosophy and religion at Hillsdale College. His most recent book is Selfish Libertarians and Socialist Conservatives: The Foundations of the Libertarian–Conservative Debate, written with Nikolai Wenzel.
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/444736/george-orwell-1984-trump-not

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IS THE POPE CATHOLIC?

TO HELL WITH ACCOMPANIMENT

By Douglas Farrow

FIRST THINGS

March, 2017

Is the pope Catholic?” used to be an answer, not a question. Alas, it has become a question; or rather it has become five questions, in the form of the dubia put to Pope Francis by four of his cardinals. In good Jesuit fashion, Francis seems to be making his reply by other means—since responding directly to dubia is apparently distasteful, as even the Prefect of the Holy Office Gerhard Cardinal Müller has now said. Thus far, the replies (comments about pharisaical doctors of the law, and that sort of thing) are not very reassuring. Actually, very little one hears from the Vatican these days reassures.

This leaves those of us who are struggling with “discernment of situations” (to use the phrase from Familiaris Consortio that was taken up by Amoris Laetitia) in some perplexity, not so much in the matter of marriage and family life as in the life of the Church herself. Reckoning with a pope whose own remarks seem somewhat erratic is one thing. But how are we to reckon with a situation in which the administration of the sacraments, and the theology behind their administration, is succumbing, with his blessing, to regionalism? In other words, how are we to reckon with a situation, nicely timed to the quincentenary of the Reformation, in which being Catholic begins to look quite a lot like being Protestant?

The trauma of the two synods on the family, which led to Amoris and to the dubia, is a trauma for which Francis himself is largely responsible. The ongoing rebellion against Humanae Vitae and Veritatis Splendor is something that he has permitted, if not encouraged. And the flaws in Amoris are of his making. His unwillingness to respond directly to the dubia is not, then, a matter of taste only. In any event, the very fact that the dubia have been put—and they have been well put, whether or not they should have been put publicly—has carried the whole difficulty beyond matters of taste. Cardinal Müller’s denial that there is a doctrinal problem here is unconvincing.

Before I go any further, it is necessary to say something about the assumptions underlying these remarks. When I first criticized the synod’s Instrumentum Laborisin my online article for First Things, “Twelve Fatal Flaws,” I did not know how far the pope himself was in sympathy with the working document. Within a few days that sympathy was evident, just as it was evident that the synod was divided on important issues of faith and practice, with some leading bishops clearly concerned about Francis’s own views, attitudes, and actions. This is hardly the first time in the history of the Church that such a situation has occurred. Indeed, we encounter it in Acts. Which is to say: Being Catholic does not mean refusing to be critical of the bishop of Rome. There are times when one must be critical, and this is such a time.

By divine providence, the papacy has evolved over the centuries into a more vital feature of the Church in its daily function than it was in earlier eras. Modern technology has had something to do with that. But by the same providence, the papacy has been allowed to fall, at various points, into the most frightful parody of itself. We may be very thankful that this is not the case today. It is not merely poor history, however, but a false and dangerous papolatry—Catholics, not Protestants, should be the first to say so—to fancy that the Vicar of Christ is somehow above criticism, as if he were Christ himself.

Certainly the doctrine of infallibility entails no such thing, whether about the person of the pope or about particular papal documents. Infallibility is a guarantee regarding the magisterium, of which the pope, in and between ecumenical councils, is the primary guardian. The pope is not, however, its master. The Church has but one master, our Lord Jesus Christ. When on any serious matter one papal statement is in conflict with another, it is the task of the whole apostolic college to sort things out. As the First Vatican Council makes clear, this must be done with the pope, not apart from him, but there is nothing in the deliverances of that council or any other to the effect that the pope may not need sorting out. St. Peter himself needed sorting out, from time to time.

Now, there is conflict between the tradition as it appears in Trent and later councils, in papal or magisterial documents right through to the previous pontificate, and what is said or implied in Amoris; or rather, there is a conflict within Amoris, which both holds and does not hold to the tradition. If there were no conflict, there would have been no dubia. Since the conflict touches on the sacraments themselves, and not merely on pastoral judgment with respect to the sacraments, it must be resolved, however painful the process. But, like Francis, a good many bishops lack the will to resolve it. In fact, some of them have gone altogether soft on the sacraments, or on anything resembling sacramental discipline, and, sadly, they are appealing to Francis for justification. If ever a discernment of situation were called for, it is called for now.

The first of the dubia asks whether “it has now become possible to grant absolution in the Sacrament of Penance and thus to admit to Holy Communion a person who, while bound by a valid marital bond, lives together with a different person more uxorio [in a marital way] without fulfilling the conditions” laid out in Familiaris Consortio. The burden of the others is to enquire whether we may now safely set aside the teaching of Veritatis Splendor that neither circumstances nor intentions can render a bad act good, and that no manipulation of conscience can do so either.

Some prelates have already answered the first question with a yes, and are acting upon that answer. Others are saying no, or (like Cardinal Müller) saying in effect: of course not—the question need not even be asked. But it does need to be asked, as developments from the Americas to Malta make clear, and not only in the present form. It needs to be asked with respect to contraception, for example. Indeed, the refusal to ask it in that connection has led to the present situation. It also needs to be asked with respect to suicide and euthanasia, as we are discovering here in Canada.

Iwant to dwell for a moment on the Canadian situation. In Canada, regionalism is, so to speak, in our DNA. I will not go back as far as the notorious Winnipeg Statement, by means of which our bishops, in response to Humanae Vitae, took the doors to the internal forum right off their hinges, permitting the faithful to decide freely for themselves, without any fear of sacramental discipline, whether contraception is or isn’t a grave sin. I want instead to make clear the current situation, in which bishops in the eastern provinces have (with a few exceptions) taken much the same posture toward assisted suicide and euthanasia. The choice of these newly legal practices is discouraged but not forbidden. To choose them over natural death is not (or not necessarily) a barrier to participation in the sacraments of reconciliation, Eucharist, or healing. Much less is it an impediment to a church funeral.

The contrary stance, which some of us urged upon the bishops from the outset for the sake of both the Church and the country, has been rejected by Cardinal Lacroix in Quebec City and by the Atlantic Episcopal Assembly. The former’s rejection appeared on Facebook during the media firestorm generated by a document from the bishops of Alberta and the Northwest Territories—a model guide for clergy that stresses both pastoral readiness to accompany anyone who desires accompaniment and sacramental discipline for those who purposefully persist on the path to the mortal sin of suicide. Those western bishops, to their credit, have taken a similarly clear stance with respect to divorce and remarriage, while the primate and most of their colleagues east of Montreal appear to want no part in such countercultural shenanigans.

For the latter, not much has changed since 1968, apart from the near-complete collapse of their churches’ political and cultural relevance—that, and the fact that they can now appeal to the pope, rather than fight against him. Witness the Atlantic bishops’ “Pastoral Reflection on Medical Assistance in Dying” (yes, they actually use the preferred political euphemism), which, while making several sound points about the sacraments and rejecting suicide in principle, works its way toward this sorry conclusion: “As people of faith, and ministers of God’s grace, we are called to entrust everyone, whatever their decisions may be, to the mercy of God. To one and all we wish to say that the pastoral care of souls cannot be reduced to norms for the reception of the sacraments or the celebration of funeral rites.”

In other words, the most important thing in discerning situations is not this principle or that, but, well, discerning situations. Which is not really very difficult, because in the final analysis there is only one situation: Whatever your decision, we will commend you to God.

This unprincipled accompaniment forgets divine justice in its rush to divine mercy. It forgets that God himself, “when giving counsel, is present with those who attend to moral discipline” rather than with those who ignore it, as Irenaeus reminds us. It is Winnipeg all over again. There, the bishops made themselves chaplains to the contraceptive culture; here, to the culture of death. But here they justify themselves, as they could not there, by what is perhaps the single most problematic remark by a pontiff given to problematic remarks: “Pope Francis also calls us to practice this ‘art of accompaniment,’” they write, “removing our ‘sandals’ before the sacred ground of the other (cf. Ex 3:5).”

This Levinas-like expression is lifted from Evangelii Gaudium, §169, as quoted by the Synod on the Family’s final report. Let us stop to think about it.

At the burning bush, Moses fails to discern his situation. He is told to take off his sandals because, standing in the presence of YHWH himself, he is standing on holy ground. Now, by way of the doctrine of the imago dei and the link between love of God and love of neighbor, we can and do arrive at a concept of the sanctity of the human person, a sanctity derived from the holiness of God himself. This derivative character, however, is the very thing at stake at present.

When Moses returns to the holy mountain with his people, they are warned first and foremost to acknowledge no other gods and to make no idolatrous image. That commandment, together with the commandment against killing, is broken when we embrace suicide or euthanasia. Why? Because we claim that our lives are ours independently of God, that we possess them in such a way as to have the right to their disposal. We do likewise at the other end of life when we embrace contraception and abortion. We do it in the middle, as it were, when we claim the right to determine our own “gender identity” or to “marry” a same-sex partner. Throughout the West, all these actions have now been approved in law—steered through Parliament, in Canada, under Catholic prime ministers absorbed in the idolatry of our age.

What irony there is, then, in this appeal to Exodus to justify the kind of “pastoral accompaniment” that refuses to discipline sacramentally those who have chosen the path of self-assertion and self-destruction! It is scandalous (I do not use the word lightly) that an assembly of bishops should take up this analogy, which transfers the concept of “sacred ground” from God to man, and use it to deny the clear moral judgment of the Church against suicide and euthanasia.

The Atlantic Episcopal Assembly’s pastoral statement, it grieves me to say, reads like a document either entirely ignorant of Veritatis Splendor or deliberately opposed to it. Here, indeed, “freedom is exalted almost to the point of idolatry” (Veritatis Splendor). Here the focus is on situations “which are very complex and obscure from a psychological viewpoint,” but “in such a way that it objectively changes or casts doubt upon the traditional concept of mortal sin.” Here is an “attempt to adapt the moral norm to one’s own capacities and personal interests,” even to “the rejection of the very idea of a norm.” Here it is forgotten that “Christian moral teaching must be one of the chief areas in which we [bishops] exercise our pastoral vigilance, in carrying out our munus regale.” Here “the seriousness of what is involved, not only for individuals but also for the whole of society,” is not recognized. Here is not that “evangelical simplicity,” that following of Christ, which leads to “a more genuine understanding of reality” and draws out “the distinctive character of authentic Christian morality, while providing the vital energy needed to carry it out.” Here is only scandal, the scandal of bishop against bishop, and of bishops permitting their priests to offer the sacraments where mortal sin is being committed.

The pope, for his part, seems untroubled by this scandal. Perhaps he is unaware of it, or of his own role in it. Or perhaps, since the bishops are not only using his words but following his example, he thinks it no scandal. Perhaps he, too, mistaking real compassion for false, thinks Canada’s western bishops hard-hearted Pharisees. I don’t know. I do know that the Church has been under extraordinary pressure to compromise the sacraments and, just so, to change the Gospel that is embodied in them. And that from Rome, as from our own primatial see in Quebec City, we hear at best an uncertain sound on the trumpet.

Some are saying that the Church is entering a time of crisis, the likes of which we have not seen since the fourth century. If they are right, this removal of apostolic sandals before the autonomous man is just one indicator of that crisis. Another is the disunity among the bishops over these matters. That, as Cyril of Jerusalem observes in his fifteenth catechetical lecture, is a sign of Antichrist and of the second advent. It is “a sign proper to the Church,” because it goes to the core of the Church.

My own effort to read the signs of the times (along the lines laid out in my book Ascension Theology) is not entirely conclusive about the scope of the present crisis or the point we occupy in the history of salvation. Things have happened in recent days—both a sudden acceleration of the mystery of lawlessness and a marked increase in fractiousness within the Church—that impart a new sense of urgency. What is certain is that we are living in a long period of apostasy and of purification. In St. Peter’s words, “the time has come for judgment to begin with the household of God.”

It can be no surprise, then, that the sacraments are under renewed attack. For the sacraments are the means by which the Church is ordered and by which she distinguishes, on a practical level, between good and evil. (What is the point of forbidding the evil of divorce, if not to uphold the good of marriage and its witness to the covenant of our salvation? What is the point of forbidding suicide and euthanasia, if not to uphold the sanctity of life and the good of honoring the Lord and Giver of Life?) The sacraments, of course, are much more than that. They are instruments of grace by which God communicates to us his own life through participation in our Lord Jesus Christ. They are not rewards for goodness, but the means of sharing in the God who is good. That is why they are holy sacraments, and it is their very holiness that makes them the object of attack.

If the sacraments were merely means of moral and ecclesial order, or rewards for goodness, it might very well be “pharisaical” to deny them to those deemed somehow disordered, given that we are all disordered, each in our own way. We might then appeal for greater flexibility in sacramental discipline, tempering our concern for justice by our concern for mercy. But the sacraments are not ours; they are Christ’s—just as our bodies are not strictly ours, but have been reclaimed by God in Christ. We do no justice to the mercy of Christ, we show no mercy to those who would enter the justice of Christ, if we change the conditions for reception of the sacraments to conform to private decisions about good and evil.

The regionalism that we are currently witnessing in the West, under the rubric of “discernment of situations,” is the result of a failure to discern both the nature of the sacraments and the situation of the Church. The old gods, sex, mammon, and death, are reviving and reasserting themselves as the gods of autonomy. They are beginning to press their hands on the faithless and the faithful alike. They are groping even for the holy sacraments, that they might defile them. In this situation, do we really need more talk about the internal forum and “the sacred ground of the other”?

Surely what we need to hear is that God himself, and God alone, is the source of our sanctity. We need to hear that God is equally and indissolubly, without shadow of turning or contradiction, the God of mercy and of justice, of goodness and of judgment, of love and of holiness. If we do not know and recognize him thus in the sacraments, we become like those of whom Irenaeus wrote—those who, by trying to divide God, deprive themselves of the benefits both of his justice and of his goodness. We fail to discern our situation.

I, for one, do not hear this from the priest in my own parish. I do not hear it from the wise men to the East, on either side of the Atlantic, who seem to imagine that good and evil are one thing here and another thing there. I do not hear it, at least not clearly, from the Holy Father in Rome. He seems to be disciplining us, “for a short time, at his pleasure,” and we must respect him as best we can. But how much more must we respect the Father of spirits, who “disciplines us for our good, that we may share his holiness”?

The Book of Hebrews, which the Church has recently been reading in its daily lections, is all about discernment of situations. At its climax, in chapter 12, it not only places our Eucharistic feasts in their proper context, but reminds us of the right response to discipline and warns us against the error of Esau, that paradigm of failure to discern:

For the moment all discipline seems painful rather than pleasant; later it yields the peaceful fruit of righteousness to those who have been trained by it. Therefore lift your drooping hands and strengthen your weak knees, and make straight paths for your feet, so that what is lame may not be put out of joint but rather be healed. Strive for peace with all men, and for the holiness without which no one will see the Lord. See to it that no one fail to obtain the grace of God; that no “root of bitterness” spring up and cause trouble, and by it the many become defiled; that no one be immoral or irreligious like Esau, who sold his birthright for a single meal.

No doubt there is something different, in every sentence of this paragraph, for each of us to attend to, but its final line stands out as a query to us all. The sacraments are the birth rites of the Church and the birthright of Christians. Are they somehow being sold or sold out? And if so, for what?

It is only just, I think, to invite the Atlantic bishops, among whom I number at least one friend and father in God, to be the first to answer.

Douglas B. Farrow is professor of Christian thought at McGill University.

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FREEMASONS AND THEIR CRAFT: WHAT CATHOLICS SHOULD KNOW ABOUT THEM

February 07, 2017
To see why the Catholic Church has strongly and repeatedly condemned membership in Freemasonry or any of its allied movements requires a glance at Masonic teachings and history.
Left: The Masonic Square and Compasses (us.fotolia.com/Serj Siz`kov); right: Pope Leo XIII, who denounced the Masonic Lodge as “a deceitful and crafty enemy” (Wikipedia).

Many Catholics view Freemasonry as a dangerous—even Satanic—conspiracy founded to destroy the Faith. On the other hand, the Craft likes to present itself as “an ancient Order dedicated to the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God.” Some of the “Brethren” may take that description seriously, depending on which room of the Masonic edifice they inhabit. But the Lodge has many suites, annexes, and outbuildings whose inmates are not necessarily fraternal towards each other, much less filial towards God.

The basic unit of “regular” Freemasonry is the Blue (or Craft) Lodge, which “works” (imparts) the three traditional degrees—Entered Apprentice, Fellow Craft, and Master. Initiation is the main business of a local Masonic Temple. Members learn grips, signs, and rituals. They re-enact their central myth, the death and resurrection of Hiram Abiff, legendary builder of Solomon’s Temple. With one exception, American local Lodges are grouped in state Grand Lodges that are recognized by the Mother Lodge in London. Master Mason’s wives can join the Order of the Eastern Star, their daughters Job’s Daughters or the Order of the Rainbow for Girls, and their sons the Order of the De Molay.

A fervent minority of Anglo-American Masons acquire additional degrees teaching more sophisticated symbolism in separate organizations called Appendant Bodies that are not controlled by the Mother Lodge.  These are the York Rite (10 more grades) and the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite (30 more grades) which is subdivided into Northern and Southern Jurisdictions. Holders of the highest degrees in either Rite are eligible to join the Ancient Arabic Order of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine (Shriners) for philanthropy and fun.

Origins and early history

The Craft originated in the British Isles and the overwhelming majority of its members still live in English-speaking countries. According to the Masonic Service Association, there are about 1.2 million Freemasons in the United States, down from a high of 4 million in 1958. Far fewer men in Latin countries belong to the separate Grand Orient system, whose components are not usually recognized by the Mother Lodge. Many fewer still practice forms of “fringe Masonry” such as Co-Masonry, which enrolls both men and women. Prince Hall Lodges, originally for black men, are generally considered “irregular” by American Masons.

To see why the Catholic Church has strongly and repeatedly condemned membership in Freemasonry or any of its allied movements requires a glance at Masonic teachings and history. Freemasons pretend to preserve ancient secrets handed down from Solomon’s builders and pagan mystery cults via the medieval Knights Templar. Some have even identified Adam, Noah, and St. John the Evangelist as Brother Masons.  The Craft claims to offer “Light” unobtainable elsewhere that will perfect the initiate and improve society. Their foremost modern commentator, Henry Wilson Coil, describes Freemasonry as “a system of morality and social ethics, a primitive religion, and a philosophy of life.”

But the real origin of the Craft, as Masonic historians now admit, lies in Renaissance esotericism, injected into the guild traditions developed by medieval stoneworkers. Spurred by interest in the symbolic possibilities of architecture, men who were not professional stonemasons (“non-operatives”) began joining workmen’s lodges in Scotland in the 1590s. These fellowships had just been turned into permanent organizations by the king’s chief builder, a Catholic named William Schaw. Professor David Stevenson has amply documented this transformation in The Origins of Freemasonry: Scotland’s century 1590-1710 (Cambridge University Press, 1988).

Lodges of “nonoperative” Freemasons appeared in England in the 1640s, attracting gentry and intellectuals of varying religions to the Craft. In 1717, four London Lodges united as the Grand Lodge of England, which issued constitutions in 1723 and became the Mother Lodge of all regular Masons. Spreading throughout the world, Freemasonry reached the Continent by 1721 and America by 1730. Exiled Scottish supporters of the Catholic Stuarts brought the Craft to France, where it proved especially popular among aristocrats and men receptive to the Enlightenment.

The Lodge’s initial appeal was as a place for men of different faiths to socialize and speculate in peace, for discussing religion and politics was forbidden. Haydn, Mozart, and many other luminaries joined. But avoiding sectarian disputes inevitably pushed Freemasonry towards mere Deism. Its seldom-mentioned God was the Great Architect of the Universe, reachable by reason alone. Belief in a Supreme Being and the immortality of the soul was all that was required of eighteenth-century regular Freemasons.

English and Northern European Freemasonry retained these vague beliefs and functioned as a lowest-common-denominator religion “in which all men agree.” They even displayed the Bible during their rituals as the “Volume of the Sacred Law.” They were staunch supporters of the prevailing social establishment. Until recently, they dominated politics, the professions, the military, finance, and even the police. Prior to Prince Charles, many English royals were keen Masons as were some Anglican bishops. Martin Short’s Inside the Brotherhood: Further Secrets of the Freemasons is a good survey of their influence in the United Kingdom.

During the American Revolution, more Masons were Loyalists than Patriots but these did include such Founding Fathers as Washington, Franklin, Hancock, Hamilton, and Monroe. (John Adams, however, denounced the Craft.) Surprisingly, Freemasonry also enrolled Daniel Carroll, one of only two Catholics at the Constitutional Convention, brother of America’s first bishop, Archbishop  John Carroll of Baltimore, and cousin of Charles Carroll, the only Catholic who signed the Declaration of Independence. In the Carrolls’ defense, papal condemnations of Freemasonry had not yet been officially proclaimed in America.

The 1826 disappearance of a New York man who had revealed the Crafts’s secrets sparked a brief outburst of anti-Masonic feeling but the Lodges were soon popular again. Over the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, American Catholics suffered from the Craft’s hostility as American Freemasons turned Nativist and anti-Catholic. They were conspicuous in both the original and the revived Ku Klux Klan. The Knights of Columbus, founded by Fr. Michael J. McGivney in 1882, offered Catholics an alternative to the Lodge.

American Masons came to hold disproportionate power at all levels of government, including the Presidency, Congress, and the Supreme Court. They led the fight against parochial schools and demanded absolute separation of Church and State. Networks of influence among Masons stifled competition from outsiders in business and the professions. Lodge membership became a badge of middle-class Protestant respectability at the peak of Freemasonry’s popularity, 1920-1960.

Freemasonry and anti-Catholicism

Meanwhile, the Grand Orient Lodges of France, Iberia, and Latin America were building a far grimmer anti-Catholic edifice. They attracted men hostile to both Church and State who found Masonic structures and secrecy useful for political subversion. Masons were prominent in the French Revolution and the Irish rising of 1798. They helped lead the South American revolts against Spain as well as the unification of Italy. Discarding even the pretense of Deism, Grand Orient Lodges ceased to revere the Bible or any Volume of Sacred Law. They dominated the bitterly anti-clerical French Third Republic (1870-1940) that confiscated all Church property in France. They persecuted and slaughtered Catholics after the Mexican Revolution and during the Spanish Civil War. Even in today’s European Union, Masons favor radical secularization.

Outraged by these activities, conspiracy-minded Catholics have claimed that they are all part of a vast “Judeo-Masonic plot” that also created Communism. Works by the prolific Irish priest, Fr. Denis Fahey, such as The Kingdom of Christ and Organized Naturalism (1943) are typical of such material. They argue that Old Testament references and Hebrew words in Lodge rituals prove Jewish origins of the Craft. But the founders of Freemasonry were Christians Scots and its Constitutions were prepared by a Protestant clergyman. Not only is Marxism an entirely different entity, Communist regimes have always suppressed Masonry, as did Hitler and Mussolini. The Craft, however, could be criticized as an influence or template for Theosophy, some themes in New Age thought, and Wicca as developed by Gerald Gardner.

Fear of “Judeo-Masonry” and its ilk clouds analysis of the Craft’s intrinsic and irremediable flaws: Relativism and Naturalism. Blue Lodge Freemasonry treats all religions alike but inferior to the “Light” it offers to its select Brethren. They trust reason alone, not supernatural revelation. But Christians know that salvation comes from the real Life, Death, and Resurrection of Jesus, not the dubious legend of Hiram Abiff.

Furthermore, the higher degrees of Masonry’s Appendant Bodies are frankly blasphemous. The Royal Arch Degree of the York Rite reveals that the true name of God is JAH-BUL-ON, a fusion of the Hebrew Jaweh (Yaweh) with the names of pagan gods Baal and Osiris. The Scottish Rite’s eighteenth degree (Rose Croix) reinterprets the Cross and its I.N.R.I inscription as pagan symbols. A candidate for the thirtieth degree (Knight Kadosh) must trample the papal tiara crying: “Down with Imposture!” He vows to propagate light and overthrow “superstition, fanaticism, imposture, and intolerance,” qualities implicitly identified with Christianity, especially CatholicChristianity.  The best Catholic apologetics work against the Lodge is Christianity and American Freemasonry (Ignatius Press) by William J. Whalen.

From the time Freemasonry penetrated Europe, the Catholic Church has watched and warned against it. In 1738, Pope Clement XII condemned the Craft for its reliance on mere natural virtue while ignoring Christ’s unique role as Savior. Pope Clement also denounced the rash, blood-curdling oaths demanded of members to protect trivial Lodge secrets. Ironically, those precious secrets are anything but secret. All the details have been revealed numerous times, for example in ex-Mason Walton Hannah’s Darkness Visible: A Christian Appraisal of Freemasonry.

Pope Clement decreed that Catholics who joined the Masons were excommunicated with reconciliation reserved to the pope. Unfortunately, this had little effect because the rule was not published in every country, nor was it taken seriously where it was published. Eight subsequent popes had to repeat the message, most forcefully Leo XIII in his 1884 encyclical, Humanum genus. Denouncing the Lodge as “a deceitful and crafty enemy,” Pope Leo declared: “Let no man think that he may for any reason whatsoever join the Masonic sect, if he values his Catholic name and his eternal salvation as he ought to value them.” This stern prohibition was included in the 1917 Code of Canon Law.

After the Second Vatican Council, however, the long antagonism between the Church and the Lodge seemed to be easing.  A reinterpretation of the anti-Masonic canons in 1974 led some Catholics to think that only Masonic groups actively plotting against the Church were forbidden to them.

This liberalization was sadly ill-timed. Some notable Freemasons had been conspiring against the Vatican through its bank. In March of 1981, two of Pope Paul VI’s top financial advisors—known all along as Masons—were unmasked as members of a secret Lodge called Propaganda Due (P2) that was preparing a fascist takeover of Italy. Both men later died mysteriously, probably murdered. The Vatican lost 240 million dollars with the collapse of its bank.

The P2 Lodge, which was a scam on Italian Grand Orient Masonry as well as the Church, enrolled 953 members including high ranking figures in government, the military, security services, academe, business, law, media, and finance. None were churchmen. Although an argument from silence does not completely debunk the existence of Ecclesiastical Masonry, a bugaboo so dear to Italians and Radical Traditionalists, the evidence is suggestive.

Coincidentally or otherwise, Rome had already been having second thoughts. Just before the P2 scandal broke, local bishops had been warned in 1981 that they had no authority to judge the character of local Masonic associations and relax the old strictures. Although the new Code of Canon Law issued in 1983 did not mention the Craft or similar groups by name, Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, head of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith firmly reiterated the old ban on 26 November, 1983: “The Church’s negative position on Masonic associations therefore remains unaltered since their principles have always been regarded as irreconcilable with the Church’s doctrine.” Pope John Paul II ordered this rule incorporated in Church law. The bishops of the United States reported the same conclusion in 1985: one cannot be both a Catholic and a Freemason.

Numerous other Christian bodies also condemn Freemasonry, including many Lutherans, Evangelicals, Pentecostals, Baptists, and Orthodox followers of the Holy Synod of Greece. Even the Mormons, originally influenced by Masonry, condemn the Craft.

The Catholic Church and the Lodge can never be reconciled. Freemasonry teaches a rival religion of Naturalism, whether it plots, persecutes, blasphemes, engages in philanthropy, or behaves politely. It treats all religions as equal but inferior to its own Gnostic wisdom. Alas, the vaunted profundity on offer never manifests itself from the shadows of secrecy. Even after a man has taken every degree known in the Masonic mansion, he will be no more enlightened than when he began, but considerably farther from the true Light. The Great Architect the Universe of Deism and Freemasonry is not the Triune God—Father, Son, and Holy Spirit—of Christians.

(Editor’s note: The final sentence of this article was revised on February 8th for clarification. This article appeared in somewhat different form in The Catholic Answer, July/August, 2006.)

About the Author
Sandra Miesel

Sandra Miesel is an American medievalist and writer. She is the author of hundreds of articles on history and art, among other subjects, and has written several books, including The Da Vinci Hoax: Exposing the Errors in The Da Vinci Code, which she co-authored with Carl E. Olson.

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HERE IS A “MUST READ” BOOK THAT READS BETTER THAN MOST FICTION MYSTERIES AND HORROR STORIES; I COULD NOT PUT IT DOWN UNTIL I FINISHED READING IT

kermitgosnell11

New York Times Defends Leaving Pro-Life Book Exposing Kermit Gosnell Off Best Seller List

 NATIONAL   KATIE YODER   FEB 7, 2017   |   7:18PM    WASHINGTON, DC

Even a best-selling book can’t change the liberal media’s silence on the infamous Philadelphia abortionist Kermit Gosnell, according to its publisher and authors.

On Jan. 24, Regnery Publishing released Gosnell: The Untold Story of America’s Most Prolific Serial Killer, written by filmmaker and journalist team Ann McElhinney and Phelim McAleer. In just three days, the book sold out at both Amazon and Barnes & Noble and outsold all but three nonfiction hardcover titles. That wasn’t enough for The Times to place the book on its hardcover best-sellers list – but, in a recent comment, the news outlet is defending its decision.

Among other things, Gosnell was convicted May 2013 of first-degree murder of three babies (while the nightmarish Grand Jury report, The Hollywood Reporter has noted, “alleges Gosnell killed hundreds of infants by sticking scissors into their necks”).

On Tuesday, The New York Times responded to a Regnery statement Thursday criticizing the news outlet for “refus[ing] to include Gosnell on their nonfiction ‘Print Hardcover Best Sellers’ list.”

While Gosnell made No. 13 on the Times’ “Combined Print & E-Book Nonfiction” list, Regnery still accused the news outlet because it “ignored the real sales numbers and refused to correctly list Gosnell as the 4th bestselling nonfiction title.”

The publishing company argued that Gosnell reached No. 3 on Amazon’s best-seller book list and was named Amazon’s No. 1 “Hot New Release.” “This was all without any mainstream media attention—no reviews, no features, no author interviews,” the statement added.

A New York Times representative defended the outlet’s methodology Tuesday in a comment to MRC Culture:

The Times’s best-seller lists are based on a detailed analysis of book sales from a wide range of retailers who provide us with specific and confidential context of their sales each week. These standards are applied consistently, across the board in order to provide Times readers our best assessment of what books are the most broadly popular at that time.

She added, “That process is not influenced in any way by the content of a book, or by pressure from publishers or book sellers.”

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Unfortunately, the Gosnell story has faced media silence from the very beginning. Even Gosnell’s trial, in which witnesses described baby abortion survivors “swimming” in toilets “to get out,” attracted a mere 12 – 15 reporters. And that came only after a local columnist tweeted a picture of the empty courtroom benches reserved for press. Only after 56 days, multiple letters from members of the House of Representatives and a public outcry, did all three broadcast networks report on Gosnell.

In addition to The Times‘ hardcover best-sellers list, MRC Culture discovered that the three broadcast networks (ABC, CBS, NBC) have not mentioned “Gosnell” once this year during their morning and evening news shows.

“The media ignored Gosnell then,” the Regnery statement added, “and they are ignoring Gosnell now.”

But, Regnery added, the American public isn’t. “While the New York Times and every other mainstream media outlet continue to ignore Gosnell, the sales numbers clearly prove that the American people want to know the truth,” the statement concluded. “It’s clear that this is a blatant fake list in a fake news newspaper.”

As an explanation, McElhinney told Regnery about the Times’ behavior: “The media doesn’t want this story to see the light of day because it shines a negative light on abortion.”

In a separate press release Thursday, husband-and-wife team McElhinney and McAleer added that, in addition to Amazon and Barnes & Noble, their book sold out at Books-A-Million.

“Our publisher was able to track the numbers and see that we were the 4th top-selling hardcover non-fiction title in the country,” they added. So they were “shocked” when the book didn’t appear on the Times’ “Hardcover Non-fiction Best Sellers List.”

The paper boasts a history of downplaying conservative authors, including David Limbaugh and his book, The Emmaus Code.

Besides the book, McElhinney and McAleer are producing a Gosnell movie, which Hollywood distributors are already dismissing as “too controversial.” The filming of the movie itself, sponsored by a crowd-funding campaign, faced censorship. But after raising more than $2.2 million, Gosnell became the most successful crowdfunded movie on Indiegogo.

Methodology: MRC Culture searched for “Gosnell” in the morning and evening news show network transcripts from ABC, CBS and NBC from Jan. 1, 2017 to Feb. 7, 2017. No mentions were found.

LifeNews Note: Katie Yoder writes for Newsbusters, where this originally appeared.

kermitgosnell11

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JESUIT “DISCERNMENT” AND “ACCOMPANIMENT” CAN APPEAR HUMANITARIAN BUT CAN ACTUALLY HARM MILLIONS OF HUMANS

On Immigration, Winning Cheap Grace

By JASON SCOTT JONES

Published on February 7, 2017 • 

THE STREAM

[Emphasis and {commentary} in red type by Abyssum]

The great theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer wrote scathingly of “cheap grace,” which is the warm fuzzy feeling we give ourselves, and the praise we win from others, by making little virtue-signals that cost us almost nothing — and might well impose suffering on innocent third parties. Jesus Himself denounced it when He saw it among the Pharisees, but Christians are not immune.

In Bonhoeffer’s time, German pastors won cheap grace by safely denouncing Communist atrocities {in the Soviet Union} , while pretending that the same crimes weren’t happening just down the street from their churches, at the hands of their own Nazi government. Catholic philosopher Rene Girard spoke of a similar psychological trick, which he called “victimism,” or the cynical use of weaker people’s suffering to aggrandize yourself and win power.

Speak Soothingly to Power

Cheap grace can always be gained by signing on with the sins that are popular with the powerful, and denouncing some evil that is distant or widely despised. Hence pastors in the segregated South could safely denounce the crimes of Josef Stalin, while ignoring the “strange fruit” that hung in their own towns’ trees after brutal lynchings of black men. How many pastors piled up cheap grace aplenty in the 1980s by denouncing apartheid in faraway South Africa, and ignoring the abortion clinics that killed black babies by the thousands right down the street?

Now open-borders-Christians, such as the media-savvy Fr. James Martin, SJ, are gathering cheap grace in bushel baskets on the subject of immigration. In a shrill, moralistic screed that The Stream already analyzed as contrary to Catholic doctrine, Fr. Martin told Americans that it is simply and blankly un-Christian to secure our country’s borders, enforce its labor laws, or carefully vet refugees to keep out those committed to terrorism or sharia.

That {Father Martin’s diatribe} is meant to end the argument, to threaten us with eternal damnation if we don’t accept Fr. Martin’s {leftist-liberal} political program — one which no Christian government has enacted anywhere for almost 2,000 years. As a leader in the movement to really implement Christianity for the first time, ever, on immigration issues, Fr. Martin claims his place as one of the best Christians in history. Or so he would like us to see him.

We Learn, 2,000 Years Late, that Borders are Un-Christian

Does Fr. Martin, or any of the bishops who echo him, really believe that no Christian may vote to secure his country’s borders? Is it sinful for Mexico to police its border with Central America? For Latvia to guard its frontier with Putin’s Russia? For Israel to police the crossing into Jordan? I’ve never read any such statements, and I think I know the reason: It’s perfectly obvious that international borders require the rule of law, that sovereign countries deciding who comes and goes is part of what we must “render unto Caesar.”

{This is what the Catechism of the Catholic Church, promulgated by Saint Pope John Paul II says about a country’s right to control immigration:  “Political authorities, for the sake of the common good for which they are responsible, may make the exercise of the right to immigrate subject to various juridical conditions, especially with regard to the immigrants duties toward their country of adoption.  Immigrants are obliged to respect with gratitude the material and spiritual heritage of the country that receives them, to obey its laws and to assist in carrying civic burdens. No. 2241}

It doesn’t harm Fr. Martin, in his cozy Manhattan office, that drug cartels and people smugglers control the U.S.-Mexico border, honeycombing it with tunnels and planting it with “rape trees,” with the clothes ripped off young women. Nor does he find himself exploited in an underground economy, where greedy employers turn away poor American workers with enforceable legal rights, then fill their factories or fields with docile, frightened foreign people whom they can threaten with deportation.

Fr. Martin doesn’t have children whose public school is in chaos, overburdened with the hopeless task of trying to assimilate and educate kids in a dozen different languages. Fr. Martin’s health insurance is covered by the wealthy Jesuit order, so he never needs to worry about what it will cost him to use an emergency ward — at a hospital which treats long lines of undocumented and uninsured workers, and so has to soak its few paying customers to avoid going bankrupt. Fr. Martin will never lose his job at America magazine to a lower-paid foreign priest who came in on an H1-B visa, whom he is forced to train.

It’s easy for Fr. Martin and others like him to call for utopian policies, wave Jesus around to silence our reality-based objections, and refuse to examine their real-world impact on the poor and the vulnerable.

The Cheapest Grace in the History of the Church

There is a long list of people, both foreign and American, who pay a heavy price for our blithe acceptance of immigration chaos. Few such people have columns in prestigious magazines, or get hired as faith consultants by Martin Scorcese — which Fr. Martin was, for the movie Silence. (As you’ll read here at The Stream, that movie’s ending was an icy apologia for priests who renounce Jesus, betray the Faith, and make a comfortable living helping pagans to persecute the church.)

Those people exist, from the villages emptied of men in rural Mexico, to the ghettos of America where black and Latino teens cannot find entry-level jobs. But it’s easy to ignore them.

Likewise it’s easy for Fr. Martin and others like him to call for utopian policies, wave Jesus around to silence our reality-based objections, and refuse to examine their real-world impact on the poor and the vulnerable. Better still, they can wield their “high-minded” demands to blunt the force of the growing pro-life movement, by insisting that all of us swallow their Seamless Garment poison pill, before we’re allowed to stop killing a million children each year. That wins them points with their powerful friends like Joseph Biden and Tim Kaine, both Jesuit allies and pro-choice Democrats. So men like Fr. Martin coast through life on a cushion of unearned praise and cultural privilege, while sneering at their weaker fellow citizens as “un-Christian,” cruel, and selfish.

I’ll give this to open borders Christians: They have found the source of the cheapest grace in the history of the church. Simon Magus would be proud.

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THE LONGER FRANCIS REMAINS SILENT ON THE DUBIA THE WORSE THINGS WILL GET IN THE CHURCH

Austrian Bishop on Amoris Laetitia: “We Have To Fight This Conflict”

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Image: Salzburg, Austria

Today, on 7 February 2017, the Austrian Auxiliary Bishop Andreas Laun of Salzburg has published on the Catholic website Kath.net a commentary on the current situation in the Church with regard to the papal document Amoris Laetitia and its cumulative effects. Bishop Laun speaks about a German priest who now works in Southern America, and who just wrote to him the following earnest words:

Dear Andreas, while the questions concerning the remarried divorcees remain unanswered and vague – as the Holy Father does it currently – then there can soon come to pass the following absurd situation: a penitent [in the confessional] presents his situation – saying that he wishes to continue to live as husband and wife with his female partner – and he then demands absolution, with [a supporting] reference to the various bishops’ conferences and finally also to the pope himself; and then I [as a priest] say: “My conscience tells me that I cannot give you absolution even though the pope still keeps the question open; therefore, I cannot give absolution to you.” But, then, the other, with reference to the pope, insists upon receiving absolution as well as admittance to Holy Communion. Do I then have to change the formula of absolution and say: “The pope absolves you from your sins in the name of the Father and so on …?” For me, this is absolutely absurd! But is this not what it leads to? [my emphasis]

To this passage Laun then comments, with these words: “I fear that in this question is contained a logic which one cannot escape.” He continues, as follows:

There is no such thing as a double truth, and to some questions there is only one true answer – even when bishops and entire bishops’ conferences are giving contradictory answers. Some [answers] are true, others are certainly false. The four well-known cardinals who have presented their questions [dubia] to the pope might be well satisfied with the illustration of the problem as now presented here by this [German] priest from Southern America.

With some more encouraging words, Bishop Laun explains to his readers that, as Catholics, we cannot avoid this fundamental conflict: “I fear that there is no way of avoiding it; this conflict has somehow to be fought and carried out – and this [is to be done] without a false compromise! One cannot sit it out.” [my emphasis] Laun adds, nor may one avoid this conflict by a mere “reference to obedience toward the pope,” since it is “about a self-evident Catholic matter,” namely: “The pope is infallible, but this charism is not to be understood and respected without also considering the carefully described limits [to that charism].” [my emphasis]

The Austrian bishop then further describes some cases where a pope can, indeed, fall into error or be “a publicly recognizable sinner.” He continues, by saying: “The pope has the duty of being a father, and one may put questions to a good father, also critical ones!”

Laun adds that, in the past, popes have certainly committed some grave errors. For example, “one pope had even thought to have found, in a volcano, the entrance to hell.” The Austrian prelate explains: “No Catholic is bound – in the face of such a mishap – to give up his reason. One may chuckle, one may contradict, yes, one may even resist if the judgment of one’s [well-formed] conscience clearly says something different.” Sometimes, says Laun, it is of course better to be silent in the face of a pope’s mistake. This, however, is – according to Laun – not the case with our current conflict. One may not “put to rest” this disputed question. “It is about the Church, it is about people and their personal relationship with God, and it is, by the way, also about image of the Catholic Church to those who are ‘outside.’” Laun concludes with the following words:

There is a duty-bound obedience toward the pope and the authority of the Church; sometimes there exists in this Church the right – and sometimes the duty – to speak freely! It is undisputed that it can be difficult to unite both aspects under one hat. Faith and reason have to collaborate! This, too, is truly Catholic!

Bishop Laun is to be commended for his Catholic witness here and for his insistence upon a clarification amidst the confusions stemming from Pope Francis and his Apostolic Exhortation, Amoris Laetitia. Even in a 23 December 2016 interview with OnePeterFive, Laun had already himself publicly expressed his deep sympathy and agreement with the Four Cardinals and their expressed dubia with regard to Amoris Laetitia.

It is important, moreover, that Bishop Laun should now raise the problems of conscience which faithful and orthodox Catholic priests are now facing in the Church, especially with regard to the Seal of the Confessional. For, if a priest refuses absolution to an impenitent adulterer, he might soon be accused by that penitent of not going along with the new rules in the Church. A grave problem then arises for a priest, who may not at all even defend himself, inasmuch as he is strictly bound to be silent in accord with the Seal of Confession – as Saint John Nepomucene – a martyr to the Sacrament of Penance – was to exemplify. This actual and potentially increasing conflict might then also indirectly, yet subversively, turn out to be not only an attack on the Seal of Confession, but also an undercutting of the sacred trust in the priesthood itself.

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