CORRUPTION, CORRUPTION, CORRUPTION

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Senate Releases Damning Report of Hunter Biden Foreign Payments and Influence Sales – Money, Hookers and Bribes…

Posted on September 23, 2020 by sundance

Senators Ron Johnson, chairman of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, and Chuck Grassley, chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, released a report today showing millions in sketchy payments to the son of former Vice-President Joe Biden that showcase compromise and blackmail material.

Included in the release are details of payments made by the wife of the former Mayor of Moscow and what appear to be eastern European prostitutes provided to Hunter Biden.

The Senate report reveals millions of dollars were funneled to Hunter Biden during a series of questionable financial transactions between Biden, his associates and foreign individuals.  The report outlines a system of influence sales that were “very awkward for all U.S. officials pushing an anticorruption agenda in Ukraine.”

Additionally, the senate report highlights the potential for blackmail against the Biden family, the former vice-president and the U.S. government if Joe Biden was to remain in public office.  The report is damning.  Highlights include:

  • In early 2015 former Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv, Ukraine, George Kent raised concerns to officials in Vice President Joe Biden’s office about the perception of a conflict of interest with respect to Hunter Biden’s role on Burisma’s board.  Kent’s concerns went unaddressed and in September 2016, he emphasized in an email to his colleagues, “Furthermore, the presence of Hunter Biden on the Burisma board was very awkward for all U.S. officials pushing an anticorruption agenda in Ukraine.”
  • In October 2015, senior State Department official Amos Hochstein raised concerns with Vice President Biden, as well as with Hunter Biden, that Hunter Biden’s position on Burisma’s board enabled Russian disinformation efforts and risked undermining U.S. policy in Ukraine.
  • Hunter Biden was serving on Burisma’s board (supposedly consulting on corporate governance and transparency) when Burisma owner Mykola Zlochevsky allegedly paid a $7 million bribe to officials serving under Ukraine’s prosecutor general, Vitaly Yarema, to “shut the case against Zlochevsky.” George Kent testified that this bribe occurred in December 2014 (seven months after Hunter Biden joined Burisma’s board), and, after learning about it, he and the resident legal adviser reported this allegation to the FBI.
  • In addition to the over four million dollars paid by Burisma to Hunter Biden and his business partner, Devon Archer, for membership on the board, Hunter, his family, and Archer received millions of dollars from foreign nationals with questionable backgrounds.
  • Devon Archer received $142,300 from Kenges Rakishev of Kazakhstan, purportedly for a car, the same day Vice President Joe Biden appeared with Ukrainian Prime Minister Arsemy Yasenyukand addressed Ukrainian legislators in Kyiv regarding Russia’s actions in Crimea.
  • Hunter Biden received a $3.5 million wire transfer from Elena Baturina. Ms. Baturina is the wife (widow) of the former mayor of Moscow.
  • Hunter Biden had business associations with Ye Jianming, Gongwen Dong, and other Chinese nationals linked to the Communist government and People’s Liberation Army. Those associations resulted in millions of dollars in questionable transactions.
  • Hunter Biden opened a bank account with Gongwen Dong that financed a $100,000 global spending spree with James Biden and Sara Biden.
  • Hunter Biden also moved millions of dollars from his law firm to James Biden’s and Sara Biden’s firm.  Upon being questioned about the transaction, Sara Biden refused to provide supporting documentation and information to more clearly explain the activity. The bank subsequently closed the account.
  • Hunter Biden paid nonresident women who were nationals of Russia or other Eastern European countries and who appear to be linked to an “Eastern European prostitution or human trafficking ring.”

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Senate Website HERE – Full pdf of Report HERE

Ultimately what the senate investigation and report reveals is a remarkable and consistent pattern of the Biden family selling influence and policy manipulation for personal financial benefit.   However, that said, the media will likely play-down the report in an effort to support their preferred 2020 presidential candidate Joe Biden.

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Beyond Obtuse – ABC’s Heavily Edited and Shaped Interview With Hunter Biden…In “Big Government”This entry was posted in Big GovernmentBig Stupid GovernmentCold AngerConspiracy ?DecepticonsDeep StateDem HypocrisyDonald TrumpElection 2020Joe BidenLegislationmedia biasTypical Prog BehaviorUncategorized. Bookmark the permalink.← September 23rd – 2020 Presidential Politics – Trump Administration Day #1343

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YOU HAVE A GREAT REPUBLIC LET US HOPE YOU CAN KEEP IT

The Death Of Ruth Bader Ginsburg Means The Constitution Is On The Ballot



If Joe Biden wins the November election, Democrats will try to pack the Supreme Court—and that’s just for starters.



By John Daniel Davidson


SEPTEMBER 21, 2020



It didn’t take long after Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death for the left to trot out arguments for packing the Supreme Court.



“If the Democrats are unable to block Trump’s nominee, there is but one choice should Joe Biden win the White House and the Democrats take back a majority in the Senate: pack the Supreme Court,” argued an article at The Nation. “If McConnell pushes through a nominee, President Biden should pack the court,” ran a headline at the Washington Post.



The New York Times’ Michelle Goldberg went further, arguing not only that Democrats should pack the court if Republicans manage to fill Ginsburg’s now-vacant seat, but that if they even try, “Outraged people should take to the streets en masse” in an effort to grind the Senate to a halt through civic unrest.
It’s not just hysterical columnists who are calling for a court-packing scheme if Biden wins. House Judiciary Chair Jerry Nadler endorsed the idea in a tweet on Saturday, as did former Obama Attorney General Eric Holder, Rep. Joe Kennedy III, and a host of other Democratic elected officials. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer both alluded to it. (Pelosi is also refusing to rule out a second impeachment of Trump to delay Senate efforts to confirm a Supreme Court justice.)



Take Them at Their WordThis isn’t just empty rhetoric, they mean it. And packing the court with at least two additional seats—one for Ginsburg and one for Merrick Garland, whom Democrats feel is entitled to a seat simply because President Obama nominated him—is just the beginning of what Democrats will try to do if Biden wins the election. Schemes are now afoot to pack the court, abolish the Senate filibuster, and grant statehood to Washington D.C. and Puerto Rico.



What all these moves have in common is that they would erode the constitutional mechanisms in place that Democrats see as impediments to their complete control over the levers of government power.
Expanding the number of states, for example, is a work-around for what they would like to do but can’t quite bring themselves to say outright: abolish states’ equal representation in the Senate. Why, they ask, should sparsely populated conservative states like South Dakota get as many votes in the Senate as California and New York? By adding what Democrats believe would be permanently blue states, they could cement their control over the Senate and stop worrying about what Americans in South Dakota or Wyoming think.
The same logic applies to getting rid of the Senate filibuster. Once Democrats are in control of the Senate, why should a minority of GOP senators be allowed to stop them from carrying out their designs? The common thread here, from court-packing to new states to ending the filibuster, is that Democrats believe they have an obligation, once they gain power, to ensure they never lose it again. If that means shredding the parts of the Constitution that have held them back in the past, then so be it.



That, in turn, means there’s more at stake in November than the electoral fortunes of one Donald J. Trump. The Constitution itself is on the ballot.
Democrats Won’t Stop at Packing the CourtDo voters realize that? Every Republican running for office in November should make sure they do. GOP candidates, and above all Trump himself, should be at pains to point out that what we’ve seen previously from Democrats will seem like child’s play compared to what we’ll see if they win the White House and Senate.



To be clear, what they tried to do the last time they held these branches was pretty egregious. In 2014, every Democrat in the Democrat-controlled Senate voted effectively to abolish the First Amendment under the pretext of regulating campaign finance. The constitutional amendment that then-Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and other Democrats supported would have given Congress and state legislatures the power to impose spending limits—which is to say, limits on speech—on unions, corporations, nonprofits, individuals, and even candidates who wanted to criticize elected officials in the run-up to an election.

It was also during Reid’s tenure as majority leader that Senate Democrats deployed what Washington called “the nuclear option,”changing Senate rules in 2013 to allow presidential nominees for all executive branch and judicial positions except the Supreme Court to advance with a simple majority of 51 votes. Democrats, frustrated with GOP filibusters of Obama nominations, decided the best response was to remove this impediment to the exercise of power.



They should have been more careful. Democrats’ abolishment of the filibuster is one reason the GOP-controlled Senate under Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has been able to confirm so many federal judges. As Reid admitted in The New York Times a few years back, “I doubt any of us envisioned Donald J. Trump’s becoming the first president to take office under the new rules.”


\
You would think Democrats had learned their lesson. What they thought was a permanent majority under Obama somehow didn’t hold together in 2016, and they have spent the last four years refusing to accept that reality. If they manage to gain power this time around, expect even more extreme measures to circumvent and erode constitutional protections against majoritarian rule. They might start by packing the Supreme Court, but they won’t end there.
John is the Political Editor at The Federalist. 



Email Link   https://conta.cc/3iXLiXE


Rip McIntosh

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ARE WE ABOUT TO REAP THE WHIRLWIND GENERATED BY THE Second Vatican Council?

Vatican II and its Scandalous Impact on the World

By David Martin

While many today have commented on the growing spirit of revolution in the West, few have connected this revolution with the revolt from Catholic tradition that was set in motion at Vatican II.

There is no denying that Vatican II engendered a spirit of infidelity in the Western world, evidenced just by today’s skyrocketing divorce, contraception, and abortion. At the Council Christ’s beloved Spouse – the Church – ‘threw off her wedding veil’ and began flirting with other religions (ecumenism) to the end that Catholic women today have followed suit, refusing to cover their heads in Church and to submit to their husbands’ authority, and this in turn has fostered the same rebellious attitude among their offspring.

In a recent interview with Italian journalist Marco Tosatti (full interview here), Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò, the former Papal Nuncio to the United States, said that “it was precisely the spirit of Vatican II that marked the end of a hierarchically constituted society, and of the traditional values common to the Western world.” 

The Archbishop said:

“Without Vatican II, we would not have had the student revolution that radically changed life in the Western world, the vision of the family, the role of women, and the very concept of authority.” 

Old Mass Needed to Restore our Focus  

Today’s modernist revolution indeed would not have materialized had Vatican II not convened. All the evils of the modern world stem from our having taken our eyes off of Christ, so the way that we refocus our eye on Christ is by universally restoring the Traditional Latin Mass that was said before Vatican II.     

For the light of tradition emanating from the old liturgy is that Lumen Gentium wherewith to enlighten and attract the world to Christ. The Church was instituted as a universal beacon so that the light of Christ might shine over the planet and germinate the seeds of virtue in man, but by withholding this light from the world the Church today is hindering the plan for man’s salvation and casting a darkness over the entire planet, giving rise to superstition, idolatry (Pachamama), heresy, violence, profanation of the Church and the general tearing down of our Christian culture. 

The ensuing revolution in the West indeed is the end result of tearing down the Catholic Church.  The Church since Vatican II has been engaged in a spiritual revolt against God, which has paved the way to material revolution, so the only recourse for restoring our sick planet is to return to tradition and “let your light shine before men” (Matt. 5:16), remembering that, “He that shall deny me before men, I will also deny him before my Father who is in heaven.” (Mt. 10:33)

The Rebellious Liturgical “Reform” 

The sin of pride was behind the liturgical revolution of Vatican II. The liturgy was changed because the church had grown ashamed of its own light. Infiltrating Judases like Cardinal Suenens and Monsignor Bugnini used Pope Paul VI to sign for a Mass that he himself had not called for. The blueprint for the “Mass of Pope Paul VI” was already completed in spring 1962, sixteen months before Pope Paul’s election. The opening session of Vatican II was merely used to push it through, whereby the liturgical schema, known as the “Bugnini Draft,” was formally adopted on December 7, 1962, as the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy and later promulgated on December 3, 1963, as Sacrosanctum Concilium.  

Mass Facing the People

The primary objective in installing the New Mass was to turn the priest around so that he says the Mass facing the people with his back to the tabernacle. The ruling for this innovation is found in the September 26, 1964 Vatican II Instruction, Inter Oecumenici, section 91, wherein it states: 

The main alter should preferably be freestanding to permit walking around it and celebration facing the people

What has ensued is a historic shift of focus where the emphasis today is on the community and not on God. The Freemasons had long conversed among themselves concerning how they would hijack and use the Church as an instrument to advance their Novus Ordo Seclorum or New World Order, a plan that would largely be executed through the aforementioned change of liturgy. 

We should point out that Mass versus populum (facing the people) is unprecedented in the history of Christianity. Acclaimed liturgist Monsignor Klaus Gamber, held by Benedict XVI to be “a prophet for our time,” sets the record straight concerning this. 

“We can say and convincingly demonstrate that neither in the Eastern nor the Western Church was there ever a Celebration vs. populum.” (The Reform of the Roman Liturgy)

According to Monsignor Gamber, Mass versus populum was the most destructive of all the post-conciliar “reforms,” citing that “there is no basis for it in liturgical history, not theologically, nor sociologically.” 

There obviously were many other changes made to the Mass. For instance, Vatican II called for a “general restoration of the liturgy” (SC 21) wherein archaic “elements” accumulated through time “are now to be discarded” and “the rites are to be simplified” (SC 50) and proposed that customs of “races and peoples” be incorporated into the Mass (SC 37), but the offering of Mass facing the people was central to this revolutionary plan since it would serve as a tiller to steer the Barque of Peter shipwreck onto secular coasts.  

Consider the vision of nineteenth century Freemason and excommunicated priest, Canon Roca (1830-1893), who predicted that “the liturgy of the Roman Church will shortly undergo a transformation at an ecumenical council” in a move “to deprive the Church of its supernatural character, to amalgamate it with the world, to interweave the denominations ecumenically instead of letting them run side by side as separate confessions, and thus to pave the way for a standard world religion in the centralized world state.”

This eerily calls to mind the declaration of Pope Francis that “There is urgent need of a true world political authority.” (Laudato Si’)  We mention Francis since he labors incessantly to submerge the Church under the authority of a one-world government. However, he is not the architect of this plan but is merely bringing to fruition the plan that was set in motion over fifty years ago at Vatican II.  

The institution of the Novus Ordo is what set the stage and began paving the way for this coming New World Order, so the remedy for dispelling this curse is to return to saying the Mass facing the tabernacle (ad orientum). The infernal snake bites afflicting the Mystical Body will be healed when Christ is again lifted up in center-view before the Church via the old Mass. (Numbers 21:9) 

Christ told the people, “As Moses lifted up the serpent in the desert, so must the Son of Man be lifted up [in the perpetual Sacrifice of Calvary] that whosoever believeth in Him may not perish; but may have life everlasting.” (John 3:15)

“The Church will be in eclipse, the world will be in dismay” 

                            —  Our Lady at La Salette, 1846

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A WOKE Joe Biden ENDS HIS HIBERNATION, WILL HE SEE HIS SHADOW? WHAT DOES THIS IMPLY? IS THE COUNTRY GOING TO EXPERIENCE A SOCIALIST SPRING OR A WHITE CHRISTMAS?

A Woke Joe Biden Ends His Hibernation


Will the return of the Democratic nominee preserve his fourth-quarter eroding lead?


By: Victor Davis Hanson 


September 20, 2020


“You don’t have to do this, Joe.” — Barack Obama



The Democratic presidential nominee had embraced one of the most bizarre but—until recently—effective strategies thus far in a presidential campaign. Like some fictive vampire, Joe Biden has been ensconced in a basement tomb and, now pale, he is reemerging into the light and finding the glare all but lethal.


Under the cloak of the coronavirus and national quarantine, Biden essentially had shut down his campaign from late March to the present. Ostensibly, his handlers believed that any downside of appearing to play-rope-a-dope and to avoid unscripted events was more than outweighed by not putting a sometimes frail 77-year-old man with apparent cognitive challenges out on the campaign trail for 16-hour days.

 
Or as his former boss, Barack Obama, reportedly warned Biden of the looming 2020 ordeal and his apparent fragility, “You don’t have to do this, Joe, you really don’t.” He really didn’t have to—except that Kamala Harris, Beto O’Rourke, Cory Booker, Elizabeth Warren, and Bernie Sanders proved inept messengers of socialism.


The “Summer of Love”


As the media-constructed summer news cycle from May through August wounded Trump—Trump, the Typhoid Mary, COVID-enabler Trump, the mask denialist and bleach drinker Trump, the Herbert Hoover economy-wrecker Trump, the reincarnation of the racist Lester Maddox Trump—Biden kept torpid in his home basement. And that mostly successful sequestration required lots of complicity from our elite. 


Mainstream polls, though still wounded from their 2016 washout, once showed Biden had a substantial lead. As Biden snoozed, the media was certainly doing more damage to Trump than an active Biden might ever have inflicted. 


In brilliantly diabolical fashion, the now virtual campaign was outsourced to subordinates but not in any traditional sense. 


House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Senator Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) would obstruct economic relief by holding bills hostage to blue-state demands for massive multibillion-dollar bailouts of their insolvency and past profligacy. Trump would then look callous by not expanding on the prior $4 trillion stimulus that allowed many wage earners to make as much on government assistance than they would have had they returned to work. In the Democrats’ logic, printing only $4 trillion in cash would now soon be seen as cold-hearted. 
Then there was the media’s role. It was tasked with the sniper’s work of aiming, shooting, and then scurrying off to the next ambush nest. That is, every few days a new media-driven “scandal” would surface to put Trump on the defensive and allow the congealed Biden to remain phlegmatic without much concern. And so it has been lately. We were told Trump didn’t blink an eye when his friend Vladimir Putin was putting bounty money on American soldiers in Afghanistan. When that myth was refuted, next Trump was stealthily yanking away public mailbox stands, no doubt to sabotage mail-in-voting. 


Then there was Trump the coup-master, who would never leave the White House after his inevitable November defeat—hence the tolerance of another round of actual coup talk from our retired humanistic generals and admirals.
Next in the queue was Trump as the vile slanderer of American war dead who was terrified to ride in a helicopter to cemeteries, given his dry hair was worth far more than the hassle of praising fallen “suckers” and “losers.” 


Bob Woodward, in his sequel to his last 2018 “bombshell” Trump take-down book, waited patiently in line for his new charge that Trump lied about COVID-19 and thus logically was culpable for mass death, even as his top military and intelligence officials knew that he was unfit and needed an “intervention” apparently to remove him. Bottom line: more coup porn as a bonus to Trump, the COVID partner in death. 


More of this will come every week until the election. The problem is not whether these media mythologies work to drive down Trump’s polls and eat up the finite days left in the campaign—so far they have had only a hit-and-miss effect. 

 
But rather, will the sheer monotony and predictability of these “walls are closing in” disclosures simply go the way of the Mueller team’s leaked news bulletins of imminent Trump indictment and frog-marching out of the White House? 


Like cheap funny money, the currency of these concoctions eventually becomes so ubiquitous and inflated to the point of being worthless. Or perhaps a better metaphor is vaccination: the more the Biden team orchestrates these inert serial “scandals,” the more they provide antibodies and with them immunity to the next assault.


The big-money donors were given their tasks. On spec, George Soros promised his millions to route through various anti-Trump PACs. Mike Bloomberg said he would chip in $100 million to ensure Trump would lose—on his theory that his millions would not be burned up for nothing if he at least was not on the ballot. Billionaires promised more millions for the Lincoln Project. The old left-wing accusation of “dark money” no longer exists.


In the next seven weeks, many of the Fortune 500 wealthy families will have pledged their assistance to Biden who, as likely as Hillary did in 2016, will outraise Trump. We are reminded again that the new Democratic Party is the alliance of the nation’s richest, in league with those in most need of public assistance, with both sharing an innate disdain for the middle classes.  
Then there are the foot soldiers of the Biden campaign, which is the de facto military wing of the Democratic Party. These are the nasal-voiced Antifa veterans, who appear nightly in road-warrior garb to burn and destroy, along with their BLM partners who will riot and loot. Their collective message is that anarchy, chaos, and mayhem are the inevitable wages of a Trump presidency. A vote for the newly rebooted Biden socialist agenda—everything from the Green New Deal to reparations and open borders—supposedly will magically dissipate the carnage by mid-November.


The logic is that the rioters and arsonists now hold the country hostage, as if to say “you can snap out of your fetal position and rise up if you just vote for our puppet Biden.” And Biden himself is also their hostage on the premise that to get nominated he had to renounce his former self, and for the next month or more, if he expects them to help elect him, he will have to keep mum on the violence and wink that he too is now a democratic socialist. 
Finally, there is the Biden basement campaign itself. Up until this week, it largely was a stage crew. Flaks wrote scripted questions for preselected obsequious journalists. They set up strategically located stealthy teleprompters. They wrote out Biden’s talking points and canned quotations on Biden’s iPhone. And they sent out a cadre of young contextualizers to the networks to suggest instead that Biden, in virtuoso fashion, was batting away hard-hitting questions with ease. 


The Return of Fighting Ol’ Joe from Scranton?Biden then, not only has a war room, but also an intensive care unit whose task is to deny—and reinterpret—the prior day’s Bidenisms. 


And Biden’s rambling themes predictably are twofold: gaffes will usually entail some creepy reference to women as in last week’s  macabre riff about a veteran killing a young woman (inspiring stuff for an audience of U.S. military vets?), or the chance for former quartermasters to find jobs in the “second floor” lady’s department in chain stores, or they will be clumsy racial pandering of the sort from “you ain’t black” to shaking with Latino music on his iPhone. 


Otherwise, it is the usual stuff, such as 200 million Americans—over 60 percent of the U.S. population—already dead from COVID-19.


Again, Biden’s hibernation was predicated on the assumption that Trump, by September, would be imploding from a swarming virus, a recession devolving into depression, a national quarantine mimicking a Communist Chinese shutdown, and the George Floyd death sparking a 1960s-style nonstop mass protest movement. 


Trump so far has never run against Biden, given the latter has no agenda that we know of, no plan of competing action other than impromptu homilies and “here’s the deal” generalities. Instead, it has always been Trump versus a virus, a lockdown, a recession, and a riot.What then brought Biden out to risk blowing up his campaign with five minutes of talk? 


Polls seem to be closing. They likely reflect that the public is beginning to think COVID-19 is no longer the bubonic plague, that the recession will be more likely ending in recovery than in a 1929-style depression, that 50 million schoolchildren are in greater danger of ill health shut up at home than in school, and that the violence in our streets no longer has much to do with the death of George Floyd. 


Again, the problem is not that Biden is now necessarily behind in the polls, although a few suggest that he may be more or less tied. Rather, there is no backup strategy to stop the slow but steady Trump trajectory. Trump at age 74 seems more like he’s 64; while Biden’s 77 is more akin to 88. Trump can cover three times the ground. As presidents do, he can stage his own October surprise “breakthroughs,” as we saw last week in the Middle East, or at home with an unexpected Durham indictment or two.


Experts assured us nonstop that a repeat of 2016 was impossible. The pollsters had learned their lessons. So did the media that purportedly were no longer so haughty and publicly biased. No president could overcome a year of virus, quarantine, recession, and riots. Trump would be even more outspent than four years earlier. And yet here we are with the clouds of another 2016 perfect storm gathering.


So now, in the 11th hour, Biden is slowly becoming a candidate and not a mere projection on Zoom. The Joe of 1988 and 2008 has returned for a third attempt as the “first” in his family to have gone to college, the fracking scion of Scranton’s “coal” miners, the hard-scrabble guy who took the train to Washington, but this time around as the stealth vessel for a Bernie Sanders agenda.


Don’t expect that Biden suddenly will become comprehensible, much less offer a detailed counterplan to Trump. Instead assume that House and Senate Democrats will obstruct and make more wild accusations. The media will offer more scandals and slanted polls. A new tell-all book will line up for its 10 minutes of fame. An angry former administration employee or yet another “heroic” retired four-star general will emerge to tweet out his disgust. More mass signed letters of “concern” will appear from doctors, or retired military officials, or state department grandees. Still more billionaires will brag that they are giving Biden millions. 


Will the return of Joe preserve his fourth-quarter eroding lead? Only if his reentry assumes that Biden will keep mum for six weeks or suddenly and magically sound extemporaneously presidential or the media can selectively edit everything he says.


So Barack Obama was prescient when he feared what a Biden candidacy might do to his legacy or to Biden himself. But I would only slightly reword his warning to read something like the following: “Joe, You don’t have to do this to the country.  Joe, you really don’t.”


Email Link  https://conta.cc/3iVeZsp

Rip McIntosh

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AT LAST!!! A STATE GOVERNOR SENDS PROPOSED LEGISLATION TO THE STATE LEGISLATURE WHICH WOULD COMBAT VIOLENCE, DISORDER, LOOTING AND WOULD PROVIDE LAW ENFORCEMENT TO COMBAT RIOTING AND DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY

Governor Ron DeSantis Announces the “Combatting Violence, Disorder and Looting and Law Enforcement Protection Act”

On September 21, 2020, in News Releases, by Staff

Proposed legislation includes new criminal offenses and increases penalties for individuals involved in violent or disorderly assemblies

Winter Haven, Fla. — Today, Governor Ron DeSantis announced new legislation to stop violent assemblies and protect law enforcement. The proposed legislation, the “Combatting Violence, Disorder and Looting and Law Enforcement Protection Act,” creates new criminal offenses and increases penalties for those who target law enforcement and participate in violent or disorderly assemblies.

“Our right to peacefully assemble is one of our most cherished as Americans, but throughout the country we’ve seen that right being taken advantage of by professional agitators, bent on sowing disorder and causing mayhem in our cities,” said Governor DeSantis. “I will not allow this kind of violence to occur here in Florida. The legislation announced today will not only combat rioting and looting, but also protect the men and women in law enforcement that wake up every day to keep us safe. I look forward to working with the Florida Legislature next session to sign this proposal into law.”

“Peaceful protesting is a constitutional right, but looting and disorderly rioting are not,” said Senate President-Designate Wilton Simpson. “We will continue to stand with our brave law enforcement officers as they protect and serve. This bill is a way to ensure that all Floridians can live in a safe and secure environment. I commend Governor DeSantis for his commitment to public safety.”

“Violence and destruction are the tools of terrorists, not reformers,” said House Speaker-Designate Chris Sprowls. “We live in a country founded on the power of words, and no group of self-appointed activists and anarchists can be allowed to deprive others of their life, liberty or property. I’m proud to stand with Governor DeSantis to say that in Florida we will respect the right of people to protest peacefully while defending the rule of law.”

The Combatting Violence, Disorder and Looting and Law Enforcement Protection Act has three components, outlined below: 

New Criminal Offenses to Combat Rioting, Looting and Violence

  1. Prohibition on Violent or Disorderly Assemblies3rd degree felony when 7 or more persons are involved in an assembly and cause damage to property or injury to other persons.
  2. Prohibition on Obstructing Roadways3rd degree felony to obstruct traffic during an unpermitted protest, demonstration or violent or disorderly assembly; driver is NOT liable for injury or death caused if fleeing for safety from a mob.
  3. Prohibition on Destroying or Toppling Monuments2nd degree felony to destroy public property during a violent or disorderly assembly.
  4. Prohibition on Harassment in Public Accommodations1st degree misdemeanor for a participant in a violent or disorderly assembly to harass or intimidate a person at a public accommodation, such as a restaurant.
  5. RICO LiabilityRICO liability attaches to anyone who organizes or funds a violent or disorderly assembly.

Increased Penalties

  1. Mandatory Minimum Jail SentenceStriking a law enforcement officer (including with a projectile) during a violent or disorderly assembly = 6 months mandatory minimum jail sentence.
  2. Offense EnhancementsOffense and/or sentence enhancements for: (1) throwing an object during a violent or disorderly assembly that strikes a civilian or law enforcement officer; (2) assault/battery of a law enforcement officer during a violent or disorderly assembly; and (3) participation in a violent or disorderly assembly by an individual from another state.

Citizen and Taxpayer Protection Measures

  1. No “Defund the Police” PermittedProhibits state grants or aid to any local government that slashes the budget for law enforcement services.
  2. Victim CompensationWaives sovereign immunity to allow a victim of a crime related to a violent or disorderly assembly to sue local government for damages where the local government is grossly negligent in protecting persons and property.
  3. Government Employment/Benefits: Terminates state benefits and makes anyone ineligible for employment by state/local government if convicted of participating in a violent or disorderly assembly.
  4. BailNo bond or bail until first appearance in court if charged with a crime related to participating in a violent or disorderly assembly; rebuttable presumption against bond or bail after first appearance.

“Protesting is a basic constitutional right of free speech, which I wholeheartedly support,” said Polk County Sheriff Grady Judd. “Violence, rioting, looting, and vandalism are illegal acts – not rights. Nothing else matters if you and your children aren’t safe. Crime is at a 48-year-low in the state of Florida and we intend to keep it that way. Criminals who destroy and tear down our communities and victimize others must be held accountable, through quick action and swift punishment. We are sending a message that we will not sit back and allow violence to run amuck, and we will arrest violent criminals, and those who loot, riot, and vandalize – guaranteed. I applaud Governor DeSantis’ initiative to ensure that the safety of Florida residents and visitors comes first.”

“It’s my honor to stand in support with Governor DeSantis today,” said Florida Sheriffs Association President and Gilchrist County Sheriff Bobby Schultz. “I’m thankful Governor DeSantis is supplying public safety tools to help ensure that our communities and residents are protected.”

“On behalf of the Florida Police Chiefs Association and over 900 of Florida’s top law enforcement executives from across every region of the state, we thank Governor DeSantis for his strong leadership and dedication to maintaining public order and keeping the peace,” said Florida Police Chiefs Association President and Satellite Beach Police Department Chief Jeff Pearson. “The measures he put forth today are urgently needed to protect the lives and property of every Floridian.”

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HERE IS A RECENTLY DISCOVERED TRANSCRIPT OF A CONVERSATION BETWEEN THE ROMAN POET VIRGIL AND THE CHICAGO COMMUNITY ORGANIZER, SAUL ALINSKY

From BREITBART


 September 20,2020


Publius Vergilius Maro, the Roman poet known to history as Virgil, died in 19 B.C. Saul Alinsky, the American radical and inspiration to both Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, died in 1972. However, for both of these legendary historical figures, their words, and their ideas, abide forever. So our Virgil had no trouble conducting this shade-to-shade interview with Alinsky.


VIRGIL: Saul, please tell us a little bit about yourself. ALINSKY: I was born in Chicago in 1909, and as a young man I worked for various communist causes. Beginning in the late 1930s, I chose to focus my efforts on the South Side of Chicago; I soon created the Industrial Areas Foundation to further my work as a community organizer. My organizing campaigns then spread, from coast to coast, from California to New York. And along the way, I wrote two books, Reveille for Radicals and Rules for Radicals, which gained me an even larger following among young leftists. 


For instance, in 1968, a Wellesley College student, Hillary Rodham, wrote a 92-page senior thesis on me, titled, “There Is Only the Fight . . .” Then, more than a decade after my death in 1972, a recent graduate of Columbia University, Barack Obama, came to Chicago to work in my organization.  Interestingly, in 2007, the Washington Post profiled both Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama, then running against each other for the Democratic presidential nomination, viewing them through the prism of their connection to me. The piece quoted progressive activist Marian Wright Edelman as saying, “Both Hillary and Barack reflect that understanding of community-organizing strategy. Both just know how to leverage power.” And of course, one of them was elected president, and the other came close. So as you can see: Even though I’m dead, I rest in power. 


VIRGIL: Funny you mention death and the hereafter! In your second book, Rules for Radicals, you include a dedication to … Lucifer:Lest we forget at least an over-the-shoulder acknowledgment to the very first radical: from all our legends, mythology, and history (and who is to know where mythology leaves off and history begins—or which is which), the first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom—Lucifer.Kinda radical!


ALINSKY: That’s me. Deal with it. As I always said, my goal was “to rub raw the sores of discontent” and thereby force “action through agitation.” In fact, just last year, I was pleased to see that The Guardian newspaper reported that the British group Extinction Rebellion, which has staged disruptive protests all over the world on climate change, cites me as an influence.  As their co-founder said, “The essential element here is disruption. Without disruption, no one is going to give you their eyeballs.” And I think plenty of other groups follow my teachings, even if they don’t give me credit. Not bad for being dead these five decades! 
In fact, this year, 2020, I think it’s fair to say that you’ve seen a lot of my influence. Maybe you could write an epic poem about me, like The Aeneid that you wrote 2,000 years ago. You could call it the The Alinsky-eid.

 
VIRGIL: I’ll have to think about that. In the meantime, do you see your influence as seen in, say, Portland? And Seattle? You were never known for violence in your lifetime.  ALINSKY: Yes, but the Radical has to be ready to meet the moment, on the terms that seem appropriate for the moment. And sometimes, that might mean, uh, liveliness. As I also wrote, the organizer must “fan the latent hostilities.” I added that he—okay, now, maybe, she or they“must search out controversy and issues, rather than avoid them.”  
I must say, this pronoun stuff is new to me, along with all this Cultural Marxism, but I do try to keep up.


VIRGIL: Speaking of keeping up, are you in favor of Antifa and its tactics? 


ALINSKY: As I wrote in 1946, “America was begun by its Radicals. America was built by its Radicals. The hope and future of America lies with its Radicals.” 


VIRGIL: Got it. So what do you expect to see happen in November 2020?  

ALINSKY: As I also wrote, the American people are forever divided between Revolutionaries and Tories. Joe Biden might not be much of a Revolutionary, although maybe Kamala Harris is a bit more of one; I loved it, this past June, when she said of the George Floyd protests: They’re not going to stop.  This is a movement.  They’re not going to stop before Election Day in November, and they’re not going to stop after Election Day.  Everyone should take note of that on both levels, that they’re not going to let up and they should not and we should not.That’s the spirit of permanent revolution that we need!  
In the meantime, without a doubt, Trump is a Tory. Yes, he’s different from the conservative stereotype in some ways, but still, he’s a Republican. So I know which side my people will be on. And no matter what happens in the balloting on November 3, I expect that the struggle will continue well past Election Day—as Radicals and Revolutionaries take to the streets in greater numbers than they have already. As you know, since you’ve read my work, I laid out some principles, or rules, for this sort of direct action. 


VIRGIL: Yes. In fact, I looked up your “Rules” and found that you listed 13 of them. So let’s go through these Rules, one by one

ALINSKY: Glad to. 


VIRGIL: Number One: “Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have.”  

ALINSKY: That’s a good one, because you want to keep the enemy guessing. Just on September 17, I saw this headline in Breitbart: “Soros-Backed Coalition Preparing for Post-Election Day Chaos—‘We’re Going to Fight Like Hell.’”


VIRGIL: You read Breitbart? 

ALINSKY: Sure. As I said, if you’re going to outthink, and out-psych, the enemy, you have to know what the enemy is thinking. So when we throw around the name of George Soros, we are sure that Soros evokes fears on the right, because he has, after all, donated at least $32 billion to left-wing causes. So you get, you know, right-wing memes such as the Eye of Soros, and all that, straight from Sauron in Lord of the Rings. Now the truth is that, just as Sauron was defeated in the Tolkien story, so, too, Soros has been defeated, many times, including in the U.S. in 2016. And yet if right-wingers are afraid of him, good. Hell, Soros has even spooked Fox News into censoring Newt Gingrich when he mentioned Soros’s name. So if Republicans are spooked by a phantom menace, well, good—let them be spooked. 


VIRGIL: Oh my, you’re being pretty candid.  


ALINSKY: Actually, you don’t know whether or not I’m lying to you, because the need to tell the truth to imperialists such as yourself—you were, after all, a tool of the Emperor Augustus Caesar—is hardly a part of the Revolutionary credo. But I like talking, so continue. 


VIRGIL: Hmmm, all right then. Let’s go to Number Two: “Never go outside the expertise of your people.”


ALINSKY: Fortunately, we have lots of expertise, and not just in the streets. We have lawyers, and we have money. And crazy as it might seem, every time I look around, I see a new seven-figure front group—I mean group—dedicated to undermining Trump. Just on the 17th, I read about a group that I’d never heard of, American Oversight, which has gotten all the files and e-mails from the U.S. Postal Service, especially as they relate to that fascist, Louis DeJoy. Conveniently enough, all the information ended up with the Washington Post. I’m sure more dope will come spilling out soon.  
So you see, we have the streets—and we also have the suites. We have Al Sharpton and Soros, together, on the same side. Actually, I saw a little bit of that high-low alliance when I was alive, when Marshall Field, the Chicago department-store magnate, funded my early work, but I never thought I’d see this much overclass money flowing to the underclass—I wish I’d lived longer to really enjoy it.  


VIRGIL: Ah, yes, Saul, you did come to enjoy life, didn’t you? After all, you passed away in Carmel, California, overlooking the Pacific Ocean. Not bad!  


ALINSKY: My mission was to afflict the comfortable. I never said that I, myself, should be afflicted. I worked hard for my comfort. But that’s enough about how I practiced my life—let’s get back to what I preached. 


 VIRGIL:  Got it. Here’s Number Three: “Whenever possible go outside the expertise of the enemy.”


ALINSKY: That one’s interesting, because our legal armada has clearly bested Trump in the courtrooms.  
To cite just one of many examples in this election year, Biden and the Democrats have gone to court and just gotten the Green Party knocked off the ballot in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. What does that mean? It means no more situations such as in 2000, and 2016, when Green Party candidates siphoned off popular votes, and thus electoral votes, in key states for the Democrats. Now it looks like the Green Party will be on the ballot in only about half the states, most of which aren’t in contention this November. So good work, legal comrades!  
Furthermore, at the same time, our media partners have launched a campaign to persuade people that the Green Party is in the pocket of Putin—and it’s working! The Greens are always on the defensive now.  
Meanwhile, the crypto-Republican effort to get Kanye West on the ballot has been pitiful; as of now, he’s only on the ballot in five states. The Republicans were obviously hoping to get West on the ballot in more states, so as to steal away black votes from Biden, but it’s not happening.  
Yet even as Republicans were failing to bolster fringe parties that might drain away votes from Biden, they weren’t paying attention to the fringe party positioned to drain away votes from Trump. 



VIRGIL: What party is that?


ALINSKY: The Libertarian Party, of course. For most libertarian voters, their second choice is the Republican Party, so it makes a difference whether the L.P. is on the ballot, or not. And in fact, the Libertarian Party is on the ballot in 45 states, with hopes to get on the ballot in all 50 this year. That has to hurt Trump.  


VIRGIL: Number Four is “Make the enemy live up to its own book of rules.”


ALINSKY: This is a good one, because it shows how important it is to pay attention to everything. That is, all the fine print that goes into the rulebook. Let me illustrate: Back in 2011, President Obama signed Executive Order 13583, aimed at “Establishing a Coordinated Government-wide Initiative to Promote Diversity and Inclusion in the Federal Workforce.” As he put it in that EO—I love reading about left-wing victories:I am directing executive departments and agencies to develop and implement a more comprehensive, integrated, and strategic focus on diversity and inclusion as a key component of their human resources strategies.
Translated, that means providing funding for all the equity and social justice programs that right-wingers hate so much. And yet here’s the funny thing: The federal government has been funding all these programs for the better part of a decade, when Republicans had control of Congress, and, as well, including most of the Trump presidency. And yet Republicans never noticed!  


VIRGIL: Ah, yes, this issue of funding for “anti-racism” education blew up only in the last few weeks, mostly thanks to whistle-blowing by a smart young conservative, Chris Rufo.


ALINSKY: But the fact that the issue has blown up only recently means, again, that all this was going on, unnoticed, for the past three-and-a-half years! During that time, how many millions of dollars went into the war chests of the left? So the Trump people were, in effect, operating according to the Obama playbook— fattening up all my allies, and those blockheads didn’t even know it!


VIRGIL: But they’ve stopped it now. 


ALINSKY: Maybe. On September 4, Trump’s director of the Office of Management and Budget issued a memorandum ordering federal agencies to “cease and desist” from funding “divisive, un-American propaganda training sessions.” Heh heh. A bit late for these right-wingers to notice.  Yet still, even now, Trump has not issued an Executive Order repealing Obama’s Executive Order. So what will happen when some bureaucrat somewhere keeps funding the same anti-racism curricula? Will the Trump people be on their toes? Will they have the legal standing, and the mojo, to stop career civil servants—what you might call the Deep State—from doing what they wish? There are rules and laws and procedures concerning how funding works, contracts and so forth, and it’s obvious that the left has a handle on how to move these levers of power and funding—and the right doesn’t. So we’ll have to see if anything is truly, actually, defunded, at least anytime soon. My bet is “no.” 


VIRGIL: Hmmm. Here’s Number Five of your Rules: “Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon. There is no defense. It is almost impossible to counterattack ridicule. Also it infuriates the opposition, who then react to your advantage.


ALINSKY: One word: Trump. Two words: Stephen Colbert. Three words: Saturday Night Live. Four words: Orange Man Bad Hitler. Five words: The rest of the memes.


VIRGIL: Okay, but the anti-Trump onslaught is so relentless and, frankly, so not funny, that I wonder if it’s working. Sounds like these leftists are just preaching, with little actual humor, to the choir—a choir that never liked Trump anyway.  


ALINSKY: Yes, you might be right about that, but I’ll jump ahead to Number Six of my Rules: “A good tactic is one your people enjoy.” My people enjoy bashing Trump. So let ’em have their fun.  


VIRGIL: Okay, but then there’s Rule Seven, which states, “A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag.”


ALINSKY: Yes, and in that same paragraph, I added that the Radical must be “constantly inventing new and better tactics.” So there’s a challenge there. I think you’ll see a lot more creativity in the next few months, as we take the Trump people by surprise.  


VIRGIL: Like what?  

ALINSKY: Well, look, just on Friday night, the 18th, when the news broke that Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg had died, thousands of people converged on the steps of the Supreme Court building in D.C. to light candles, say prayers, and otherwise mourn her passing. There was a bit too much sacredness and religion there for my taste, but the show of force was only potential force—it was entirely peaceful. See? The activist left can surprise people. And in the meantime, I see that both Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer are saying that “nothing is off the table,” action-wise. Oh, to be a fly on the wall in their meetings! I think I’d like a lot of what I’d be hearing.
Of course, the next protest could be, uh, livelier, as Michael Moore is calling for–I read that, too, in Breitbart. We’ll just have to see. Stay tuned, as they say, because you never know what will happen. That’s how you stay fresh.


VIRGIL: Yes, I was just reading in Breitbart about how “blue check” tweeters were threatening violence if Trump and Mitch McConnell try to fill Ginsburg’s seat.


ALINSKY: See? We contain multitudes—always something new! Keep ’em guessing! Look, even when I was active in life, there was always more than one game to be played. It wasn’t as if the poor people in Chicago who I was working with didn’t have the right to vote—they did. But I gave them another venue for power, namely, taking it to the streets. It was a dual-track thing: political action, and direct action. We could see both in re: Ginsburg.



VIRGIL: Now to Rule Eight: “Keep the pressure on.”


ALINSKY: As the Romans said, Res Ipsa Loquitur—“The thing speaks for itself.” 



VIRGIL: Got it. Now to Nine: “The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself.”


ALINSKY: Ask yourself: How many Republicans have caved because they’re afraid of being called a name by the New York Times? Or because they fear being ostracized from polite society, especially in Washington, DC? Many, that’s how many. In particular, how many Republican judges turn liberal as they spend more time on the bench, especially inside the Washington Beltway? That’s the effect of keeping the pressure on.  For instance, when Linda Greenhouse was the Supreme Court reporter for the Times, always pushing the justices to move left, they used to joke about the “Greenhouse Effect,” as in, at least some of the Republican appointees wouldn’t want to antagonize her, so they’d vote liberal. Yet the truth is, Linda didn’t have any real power, other than a word or two—and words don’t break bones—and yet words were enough. That is, it was enough to bluff many conservatives.  


VIRGIL: This one, Rule Ten, is similar to Rule Eight: “The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition.”


ALINSKY: Yes, but it helps to have a coordinated operation, so that the pressure never lets up. I’ll bet the Biden people, the Democratic Party, and the left have a dozen war rooms in Washington alone, always making sure that Trump and the Republicans are feeling the pressure.  


VIRGIL: That takes money.


ALINSKY: Yes, and we’ve got plenty. As I said, there’s always a new NGO—the Center for this, the Democracy Alliance for that—being funded by some Trump-hating fatcat. Little do they know…


VIRGIL: What’s that? Know what?  


ALINSKY: Uh, nothing. Let’s keep going. My Number Eleven is, “If you push a negative hard and deep enough it will break through into its counter-side; this is based on the principle that every positive has its negative.” And that means, we must realize that the real action is your opponent’s reaction. So keep probing and pushing! And be ready, if something breaks, to pick up the pieces.  



VIRGIL: Okay, and Number Twelve is, “The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative.”


ALINSKY: That means have a plan for what to do when you win. And I’ll admit: When I think of Biden, I worry about that one. Of course, Harris… 



VIRGIL: Lastly, we come to Number Thirteen: “Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it.” 


ALINSKY: That’s easy. Trump. For the next two months, he’s all we need. And if the election turns into a mess, as we all think it will, then Trump’ll be the rallying cry for the left—the man the left loves to hate. 



VIRGIL: Of course, Trump has plenty of supporters, too. 


ALINSKY: That’s true. So we could see some pretty wild times, as we prepare to storm the Winter Palace—oops, I mean, surround the White House. 


VIRGIL: Wild times, indeed.


ALINSKY: We’re ready. Are you?  



Email Link  https://conta.cc/3cuH1Zv


RIP MCINTOSH

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HERE IS AN INTERESTING ANALYSIS OF ABORTION IN IRELAND. AN ANALYSIS OF ABORTIONS IN THE United States WOULD PROBABLY PRODUCE SIMILAR RESULTS

Randy EngelSep 21, 2020, 12:21 PM (22 hours ago)

More Evidence in Our Favor and against “Consensus, ” the official strategy of the Knights of Columbus and the March for Life/ MFLAction. 

Out of total 6666 [ignore Bible] surgical abortions in Ireland, 6,542 were performed in 1st trimester [approx. 95%] 

Eugenic abortion accounted for 100 [most likely Down syndrome and Tay Sachs] and the remaining 24 life or health of the mother for a total of 124 in the second and third trimester of pregnancy. 

https://www.catholicnewsagency.com/news/6666-abortions-performed-in-ireland-last-year-after-repeal-of-pro-life-law-17489

CNA Staff, Jun 30, 2020 / 09:30 am MT (CNA).- A total of 6,666 abortions were performed in Ireland in the first year following the repeal of the country’s pro-life Eighth Amendment, according to official figures released Tuesday.

In its first annual report since the liberalization of abortion laws, Ireland’s Department of Health said June 30 that 6,542 of the abortions carried out in 2019 took place during “early pregnancy.”

A further 100 were performed because of a “condition likely to lead to death of fetus,” 21 because of a “risk to life or health,” and three because of a “risk to life or health in an emergency.”

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MAKE NO MISTAKE ABOUT IT!!! PRESERVING THE CONSERVATIVE MAJORITY ON THE United States Supreme Court IS ESSENTIAL TO PRESERVING OUR REPUBLIC AS IT HAS EXISTED FROM THE BEGINNING UNTIL NOW

Last Best Chance to Capture Supreme Court

By Patrick J. Buchanan


“Are there Republicans who would really walk away from this last, best chance to secure the court, simply because the process offends their sense of proper procedure? This may be a hard vote for Murkowski, Collins and a few other Republicans. But to vote down a qualified conservative nominee, on the eve of a presidential election, would amount to a crippling blow to their party and to their reputations within that party.”


President Donald Trump and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell are on the cusp of making history.

With Trump having named two justices to the U.S. Supreme Court, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, they have an opening to elevate a third justice to fill the seat of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, thereby securing the constitutionalism of the court for a generation.

Trump and McConnell need only persuade 50 of the 53 Senate Republicans to vote to confirm the nominee Trump says he will send up at week’s end, following the days of mourning for Ginsburg.
 
Two Republican senators, however, Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, have said that they will not vote to confirm a justice nominated this close to a presidential election.

Yet, if Trump appoints a qualified female jurist, as he has pledged to do, and she passes muster in the Judiciary Committee, would four GOP senators really collude with Chuck Schumer’s Democratic Caucus to kill that Republican nominee and risk having President Joe Biden fill the seat?


A Senate vote to reject a Republican nominee, in which Republican senators cast the decisive votes, would demoralize and divide the party on election eve and betray a cause for which some have fought for 50 years. It is hard to conceive of a greater act of political treason.

Many Republican presidents made strides toward recapturing the court after the radical rampage of the Earl Warren era. None achieved it. Three of Richard Nixon’s four picks went south on Roe v. Wade, and Justice Harry Blackmun authored the abominable decision.
 
Gerald Ford’s lone nominee, Justice John Paul Stevens, went left as soon as he went up. While Ronald Reagan nominated Antonin Scalia, his other choices, Sandra Day O’Connor and Anthony Kennedy, became “swing votes.” George H. W. Bush picked David Souter and Clarence Thomas, with the latter’s constitutionalism canceled out by the former’s liberalism.

But today, the hour of Trump’s triumph may be at hand, and the stark panic on the left testifies to it.

Mobs are forming outside McConnell’s home in Kentucky. Former Attorney General Eric Holder threatens that if Republicans confirm a justice this year, a Democratic Senate will cancel out its victory by “packing” the courts. Rep. Joe Kennedy III says that if McConnell prevails in 2020, “We pack the court in 2021.” Radicals are threatening to take to the streets and burn the country down if a Trump nominee is elevated.
  Let them try.

When FDR, after his landslide reelection, sought to pack the court by increasing the number of justices in 1937, the result was a national recoil and a political rout that cost him 72 House seats in 1938.

Republican senators have to bite the bullet on this one and vote on whomever Trump nominates before this session of Congress ends.

And, in this battle, there is no room for conscientious objectors.

Even “Never Trumpers” and Republicans for Biden have to take a stand. For if they play a role in killing Trump’s nominee, and Biden wins in November, they will have helped to turn the Supreme Court over to leftist Democrats who will fill both the Ginsburg seat and that of Justice Stephen Breyer, 82, and hold the court for years.
  


Consider the issues that the new nominee will decide.

The cause of right to life. Affirmative action. Religious freedom. Immigration. Gun rights. All could be lost if the opportunity to fill the Ginsburg seat is forfeited by Republican defectors. The 50-year struggle to recapture the Supreme Court would be over.

Are there Republicans who would really walk away from this last, best chance to secure the court, simply because the process offends their sense of proper procedure?

This may be a hard vote for Murkowski, Collins and a few other Republicans. But to vote down a qualified conservative nominee, on the eve of a presidential election, would amount to a crippling blow to their party and to their reputations within that party.

It is said there is not time enough to get the vote done responsibly.

Nonsense. Gerald Ford’s choice of John Paul Stevens went through in 19 days. Only 49 days lapsed between the nomination of Ginsburg and her confirmation.

Of the nominees to the Supreme Court, those who have been brutalized worst in the last 50 years were all Republican appointees: Clement Haynsworth in 1970, Robert Bork in 1987, Clarence Thomas in 1991 and Brett Kavanaugh in 2018.

No Democratic nominee has been savaged like these four federal court judges. And for Biden to condone a relentless partisan attack on a qualified female judge would seem to be risking the women’s vote in 2020.

Assume that Amy Coney Barrett, Catholic jurist and mother of seven, is nominated. Would fellow Catholic Joe Biden demand that his Democratic colleagues reject Barrett because she might be a vote against Roe v. Wade, which Joe now enthusiastically champions?
 

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A RESPONSE BY DR.PETER KWASNIEWSKI AND A RESPONSE BY ARCHBISHOP CARLO MARIS VIGANO

    The Debate over Vatican II Continues    The recent intense debate over the Second Vatican Council, launched in early June by Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò (link), engaged in since by a number of Catholic scholars, is still continuing after more than three months.     Today’s letter includes:     (1) a June 29 response to Viganò by Dr. Peter Kwasniewski, an American Catholic deeply attached to the tradition of the Church, published at OnePeterFive on June 29 (link), and     (2) a new reflection by Viganò himself, dated today, September 21, expanding upon Dr. Kwasniewski’s reflections.    There are some who would argue (and have argued to me, in emails and in conversations) that any such discussion of Vatican II is likely to be “divisive” and could lead over time to the loss of Church unity — even to schism.    If such a debate would lead to the loss of Church unity, to schism, that would be tragic. We must always act in such a way as to keep the unity of the Church. But is not an open discussion of disputed questions the best way to preserve unity?    One of the four distinguishing marks of the Catholic Church, of course, is such unity, that the Church be “one.”    As the Creed expresses it, the unity of the Church is actually her first distinguishing mark: the Church is, we profess, “one, holy, catholic and apostolic.”     That means that we believe the Catholic Church, founded by Christ, cannot be split into contending factions, but must be united (“one“).     And it means the Church must not become corrupt or immoral in her conduct and teachings, remaining always upright and righteous through the righteousness of Christ (“holy”). (For this reason, we say the Church is “always” in need of reform, “semper reformanda.”)    And it means the Church is not present only in one place, one country, but is present throughout the world, everywhere (the literal meaning of the word “catholic“).     And it means that the Church does not embrace recent or “trendy” or “modern” teachings and beliefs, but always holds fast to the teaching of the Apostles, handed down from the beginning, now almost 2000 years ago (“apostolic“).    So the Church is no longer herself when she is not one, not holy, not everywhere (catholic), not apostolic.    But how is the Church’s unity, holiness, catholicity and apostolicity maintained?    These characteristics are maintained, with the help of the Holy Spirit, through the love, compassion and mutual forgiveness which bind the brothers and sisters into one family of faith, and through a common commitment to protect and hand down the truths of the faith which were once handed down by Christ himself, to be guarded by his disciples and handed down, generation upon generation, to us, and by us, to the end of time.    When love grows cold, the unity of the faith can be lost, and so the unity of the Church. When we become ideological, privileging ideas over persons, slogans over simple truths, our charity grows cold.    And when the commitment to protect and hand down the truths of our faith grows feeble, when the commitment is no longer felt as something requiring all of our mind and courage to sustain, then also the unity of the faith over time can be, and is, lost.    For this reason, we have no reason to fear a debate over important matters, including over what Vatican II was and taught and how binding those teachings are. On the contrary, we would have reason to fear, in fact, if there were no longer any believers who felt strongly enough about the integrity of our doctrine to raise questions and debate them, until reasonable persons might come to a common conclusion based on the logic of the arguments made.    In this sense, I am willing to hear all of the arguments in this debate, as in others, in the hope that it leads all of us to a deeper appreciation of the truth.    And it seems a subject quite near to my own life.     I was born in the 1950s, and one of my very earliest memories was the sight of an American television news program with a journalist speaking from St. Peter’s Square. I remember his words, sonorous, from the black and white screen: “This is Winston Burdett, speaking to you from Vatican City.” What he was reporting on that absorbed the attention of our family was… the opening of the Second Vatican Council in 1962.    I was an altar boy at the time — the time before the Council, the time of the “old Mass.”    The “old Mass” did seem old — old, and venerable, majestic, mysterious, filled with allusions to God’s holiness and our blessedness if we drew close to that holiness by loving him, and loving our neighbor, repenting of sins.     I said the responses to the Latin and felt the weight of the centuries even as a child of seven. It was a weight that I felt gave all of us gathered together, Sunday after Sunday, a certain nobility of duty and purpose.     I, like all of that time, also experienced the peculiar fascination of an event, the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) which the media told us would be a “revolution” in the life of the Church, would “break the shackles” of “outmoded beliefs and practices” and so offer “new freedom” to Catholics who had “suffered for generations” under the “oppressive regime” of an “narrow-minded, medieval institution.”     But, to tell the truth, as a boy, it all seemed to me a kind of betrayal — a betrayal of our ancestors in the faith, who had held fast to the faith — as my teachers, the nuns, taught me — during the times of the Caesars, and the times of the Renaissance princes, and the times of various revolutionaries of more modern times. One of the nuns once said to me, “Listen: no matter what others may do, you always hold fast to the faith of all time.” Her face remains in my mind. Sister Rose Genevieve.    Then, what happened? After the Council, the liturgy was changed. It was not the change of the Latin to English (the vernacular), but the change of the prayers themselves. The Davidic element (the element of King David’s Psalms) seemed diminished. The sacrificial element (the element of offering up a life for others) seemed diminished. And many other things changed as well, some of little importance, some of much greater importance.    So questions about what had been decided at the Council were in my mind from the age of 10. Who decided these things, I asked myself, and why?     And I usually find it useful now to read the reflections of others, as I continue myself to try to understand what happened to the faith that my teacher urged me to “always hold fast…”    Here are two more contributions to this continuing discussion. The texts are not short, nor are they simple, so they may take some time to read through, but they set forth some of the issues that seem to me not unimportant for the future unity and fidelity of our Church. —RM    ====================    Why Viganò’s Critique of the Council Must Be Taken Seriously    By Dr. Peter Kwasniewski    June 29, 2020 (link)    Is the recent “attack” on Vatican II a “crisis moment” for traditionalists? Are we turning on a legitimate and laudable Council instead of rightly directing our ire at the inept leadership that has followed it and betrayed it?    That has been the line of conservatives for a long time: a “hermeneutic of continuity” combined with strong criticism of episcopal and clerical brigandage. The implausibility of this approach is demonstrated by, among other signs, the infinitesimal success that conservatives have had in reversing the disastrous “reforms,” trends, habits, and institutions established in the wake of and in the name of the last council, with papal approbation or toleration. One is reminded of a secular parallel: the barren wasteland of American political “conservatism,” in which any remaining conformity of human laws and court decisions to the natural law is evaporating before our eyes.    What Archbishop Viganò has recently been saying with a forthrightness unusual in today’s prelates (see herehere, and here) is but a new installment of a longstanding critique offered by traditional Catholics, from Michael Davies’s Pope John’s Council and Romano Amerio’s Iota Unum to Roberto de Mattei’s The Second Vatican Council: An Unwritten Story and Henry Sire’s Phoenix from the Ashes. We have watched bishops, episcopal conferences, cardinals, and popes construct a “new paradigm,” piece by piece, for more than half a century — a “new” Catholic faith that at best only partially overlaps and at worst downright contradicts the traditional Catholic faith as we find it expressed in the Church Fathers and Doctors, the earlier councils, and hundreds of traditional catechisms, not to mention the old Latin liturgical rites that were suppressed and replaced with radically different ones.    So enormous a chasm gapes between old and new that we cannot refrain from asking about the role played by the Second Vatican Ecumenical Council in the unfolding of a modernist story that has its beginning in the late 19th century and its denouement in the present. The line from LoisyTyrrell, and Hügel to KüngTeilhard, and (young) Ratzinger to KasperBergoglio, and Tagle is pretty straight when one starts connecting the dots. This is not to say there are not interesting and important differences among these men, but only that they share principles that would have been branded as dubious, dangerous, or heretical by any of the great confessors and theologians, from Augustine and Chrysostom to Aquinas and Bellarmine.    We have to abandon once and for all the naïveté of thinking that the only thing that matters about Vatican II are its promulgated texts. No. In this case, the progressives and the traditionalists rightly concur that the event matters as much as the texts (on this point, see the incomparable book by Roberto de Mattei). The vagueness of purpose for which the Council was convened; the manipulative way it was conducted; the consistently liberal way in which it was implemented, with barely a whimper from the world’s episcopacy — none of this is irrelevant to interpreting the meaning and significance of the Council texts, which themselves exhibit novel genres and dangerous ambiguities, not to mention passages that have all the traits of flat-out error, like the teaching on Muslims and Christians worshiping the same God, of which Bishop Athanasius Schneider gave a devastating critique in Christus Vincit [i].    It’s surprising that, at this late stage, there would still be defenders of the Council documents, when it is clear that they lent themselves exquisitely to the goal of a total modernization and secularization of the Church. Even if their content were unobjectionable, their verbosity, complexity, and mingling of obvious truths with head-scratching ideas furnished the perfect pretext for the revolution. This revolution is now melted into these texts, fused with them like metal pieces passed through a superheated oven.    Thus, the very act of quoting Vatican II has become a signal that one wishes to align with all that has been done by the popes — yes, by the popes! — in its name. At the forefront is the liturgical destruction, but examples could be multiplied ad nauseam: consider such dismal moments as the Assisi interreligious gatherings, the logic of which John Paul II defended exclusively in terms of a string of quotations from Vatican II. The pontificate of Francis has merely stepped on the accelerator.    Always it is Vatican II that is trotted out to explain or justify every deviation and departure from the historic dogmatic Faith. Is all this purely coincidental — a series of remarkably unfortunate interpretations and wayward judgments that an honest reading of the texts could dispel, like the sun blazing through the rainclouds?    Aren’t there good things in the documents?    I have studied and taught the documents of the Council, some of them numerous times. I know them very well. Since I am a “Great Books” devotee and have always taught for Great Books schools, my theology courses would typically begin with Scripture and the Fathers, then go into the scholastics (especially St. Thomas) and finish up with magisterial texts: papal encyclicals and conciliar documents.    I often felt a sinking of the heart when the course reached a Vatican II document, such as Lumen GentiumSacrosanctum ConciliumDignitatis HumanaeUnitatis RedintegratioNostra Aetate, or Gaudium et Spes.    Of course — of course! — they have much that is beautiful and orthodox in them. They would never have gotten the requisite number of votes had they been flagrantly opposed to Catholic teaching.    However, they are also sprawling, unwieldy, inconsistent committee products, which needlessly complicate many subjects and lack the crystalline clarity that a council is supposed to work hard to achieve. All you have to do is look at the documents of Trent or the first seven ecumenical councils to see brilliant examples of this tightly constructed style, which cut off heresy at every possible point, to the extent the council fathers were capable of at that particular juncture [ii]. And then there are the sentences in Vatican II — not a few of them — at which ones stops and says: “Really? Am I really seeing these words on the page in front of me? What a [messy; problematic; proximate-to-error; erroneous] thing to say” [iii].    I used to hold, with conservatives, that we should “take what’s good in the Council and leave behind the rest.” The problem with this approach is captured by Pope Leo XIII in his Encyclical Satis Cognitum:    The Arians, the Montanists, the Novatians, the Quartodecimans, the Eutychians, certainly did not reject all Catholic doctrine: they abandoned only a certain portion of it. Still who does not know that they were declared heretics and banished from the bosom of the Church? In like manner were condemned all authors of heretical tenets who followed them in subsequent ages. “There can be nothing more dangerous than those heretics who admit nearly the whole cycle of doctrine, and yet by one word, as with a drop of poison, infect the real and simple faith taught by our Lord and handed down by Apostolic tradition” (Anon., Tract. de Fide Orthodoxa contra Arianos).    In other words: it is the mixture, the jumble, of great, good, indifferent, bad, generic, ambiguous, problematic, erroneous, all of it at enormous length, that makes Vatican II uniquely deserving of repudiation [iv].    Weren’t there always problems after Church Councils?    Yes, without a doubt: Church councils have been followed by a greater or lesser degree of controversy. But these difficulties were usually in spite of, not because of the nature and content of the documents. St. Athanasius could appeal again and again to Nicaea, as to a battle ensign, because its teaching was succinct and rock-solid. The popes after the Council of Trent could appeal again and again to its canons and decrees because the teaching was succinct and rock-solid. While Trent produced a large number of documents over the course of the years in which the sessions took place (1545–1563), each document is a marvel of clarity, with not a wasted word.    At very least, the Vatican II documents failed miserably in the Council’s purpose as explained by Pope John XXIII. He said in 1962 that he wanted a more accessible presentation of the Faith for Modern Man.™ By 1965, it had become painfully obvious that the sixteen documents would never be something you would just gather into a book and hand out to every layman or inquirer. One might say the Council fell between two stools: it produced neither an accessible point of entry for the modern world nor a succinct “plan of engagement” for pastors and theologians to rely upon. What did it accomplish? A huge amount of paperwork, a lot of windy prose, and a winky nudge: “Adapt to the modern world, boys!” (Or, if you don’t, get in trouble with — to borrow a phrase from Hobbes — “the irresistible power of the mortal god” in Rome, as Archbishop Lefebvre quickly discovered.)    This is why the last council is absolutely irrecoverable. If the project of modernization has resulted in a massive loss of Catholic identity, even of basic doctrinal competence and morals, the way forward is to pay one’s last respects to the great symbol of that project and see it buried. As Martin Mosebach says, true “reform” always means a return to form — that is, a return to stricter discipline, clearer doctrine, fuller worship. It does not and cannot mean the opposite.    Is there anything of the substance of the Faith, or anything of indisputable benefit, that we would lose were we to bid the last council goodbye and never hear its name mentioned again? The Catholic Tradition already has within itself immense (and, especially today, largely untapped) resources for dealing with every vexing question we face in today’s world. Now, almost a quarter of the way into a different century, we are at a very different place, and the tools we need are not those of the 1960s.    What, then, can be done in the future?    Ever since Archbishop Viganò’s June 9 letter and his subsequent writing on the subject, people have been discussing what it might mean to “annul” the Second Vatican Council.    I see three theoretical possibilities for a future pope.He could publish a new Syllabus of Errors (as Bishop Schneider proposed all the way back in 2010) that identifies and condemns common errors associated with Vatican II while not attributing them explicitly to Vatican II: “If anyone says XYZ, let him be anathema.” This would leave open the degree to which the Council documents actually contain the errors; it would, however, close the door to many popular “readings” of the Council.He could declare that, in looking back over the past half-century, we can see that the Council documents, on account of their ambiguities and difficulties, have caused more harm than good in the life of the Church and should, in the future, no longer be referenced as authoritative in theological discussion. The Council should be treated as a historic event whose relevance has passed. Again, this stance would not need to assert that the documents are in error; it would be an acknowledgement that the Council has shown itself to be “more trouble than it’s worth.”He could specifically “disown” or set aside certain documents or parts of documents, even as parts of the Council of Constance were never recognized or were repudiated.    The second and third possibilities stem from a recognition that the Council took the form, unique among all ecumencial councils in the history of the Church, of being “pastoral” in purpose and nature, according to both John XXIII and Paul VI; this would make its setting aside relatively easy. To the objection that it still, perforce, concerns matters of faith and morals, I would reply that the bishops never defined anything and never anathematized anything. Even the “dogmatic constitutions” establish no dogma. It is a curiously expository and catechetical council, which settles almost nothing and unsettles a great deal.    Whenever and however a future pope or council deals with this thoroughly entrenched mess, our task as Catholics remains what it has always been: to hold fast to the Faith of our fathers in its normative, trustworthy expressions, namely, the lex orandi of the traditional liturgical rites of East and West, the lex credendi of the approved Creeds and the consistent witness of the universal ordinary Magisterium, and the lex vivendi shown to us by the saints canonized over the centuries, before the era of confusion set in. This is enough, and more than enough.Footnotes[i] See synopsis here.[ii] It is noteworthy that John XXIII had appointed preparatory commissions that produced short, tight, clear documents for the upcoming council to work with — and then allowed the liberal or “Rhine” faction of council fathers to chuck out these drafts and replace them with new ones. The only exception was Sacrosanctum Concilium, Bugnini’s project, which sailed through without much trouble.[iii] It’s not just a matter of poor translations; the very first translations were generally good, and then later translations dumbed the texts down.[iv] As Cardinal Walter Kasper admitted in an article published in L’Osservatore Romano on April 12, 2013: “In many places, [the Council Fathers] had to find compromise formulas, in which, often, the positions of the majority are located immediately next to those of the minority, designed to delimit them. Thus, the conciliar texts themselves have a huge potential for conflict, opening the door to a selective reception in either direction.”Peter KwasniewskiDr. Peter Kwasniewski, Thomistic theologian, liturgical scholar, and choral composer, is a graduate of Thomas Aquinas College and The Catholic University of America. He has taught at the International Theological Institute in Austria; the Franciscan University of Steubenville’s Austria Program; and Wyoming Catholic College, which he helped establish in 2006. Today he is a full-time writer and speaker on traditional Catholicism, writing regularly for OnePeterFive, New Liturgical Movement, LifeSiteNews, and other websites and print publications. He has published eight books, the most recent being Reclaiming Our Roman Catholic Birthright: The Genius and Timeliness of the Traditional Latin Mass (Angelico, 2020). Visit his website at www.peterkwasniewski.com.
    The Reflection of Archbishop Viganò on Kwasniewski’s Essay    By Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò    September 21, 2020    Peter Kwasniewski’s recent commentary, titled “Why Viganò’s critique of the Council must be taken seriously”, impressed me greatly. It appeared (here) on One Peter Five, on June 29, and is one of the articles on which I have been meaning to comment: I do so now, with gratitude to the author and publisher for the opportunity they have given me.    First, it seems to me that I can agree with practically all of what Kwasniewski has written: his analysis of the facts is extremely clear and polished and reflects my thoughts exactly. What I am particularly pleased about is that “ever since Archbishop Viganò’s June 9 letter and his subsequent writing on the subject, people have been discussing what it might mean to ‘annul’ the Second Vatican Council”.    
    I find it interesting that we are beginning to question a taboo that, for almost sixty years, has prevented any theological, sociological and historical criticism of the Council. This is particularly interesting given that Vatican II is regarded as untouchable, but this does not apply – according to its supporters – to any other magisterial document or to Sacred Scripture. We have read endless addresses in which the defenders of the Council have defined the Canons of Trent, the Syllabus of Errors of Blessed Pius IX, the encyclical Pascendi of St. Pius X, and Humanae Vitae and Ordinatio Sacerdotalis of Paul VI as “outdated.” The change to the Catechism of the Catholic Church, whereby the doctrine on the legitimacy of the death penalty was modified in the name of a “changed understanding” of the Gospel, shows that for the Innovators there is no dogma, no immutable principle that can be immune from revision or cancellation: the only exception is the Vatican II, which by its nature – ex se, theologians would say – enjoys that charism of infallibility and inerrancy that is denied to the entire depositum fidei.    I have already expressed my opinion on the hermeneutic of continuity theorized by Benedict XVI, and constantly taken up by the defenders of Vatican II, who – certainly in good faith – seek to offer a reading of the Council that is harmonious with Tradition. It seems to me that the arguments in favor of the hermeneutical criterion, proposed for the first time in 2005 [link], are limited to a merely theoretical analysis of the problem, obstinately leaving aside the reality of what has been happening before our eyes for decades. This analysis starts from a valid and acceptable postulate, but in this concrete case it presupposes a premise that is not necessarily true.    The postulate is that all the acts of the Magisterium are to be read and interpreted in the light of the entire magisterial corpus, because of the analogia fidei [1] [analogy of faith], which is somehow also expressed in the hermeneutic of continuity. Yet this postulate assumes that the text we are going to analyze is a specific act of the Magisterium, with its degree of authority clearly expressed in the canonical forms envisaged. And this is precisely where the deception lies, this is where the trap is set. For the Innovators maliciously managed to put the label “Sacrosanct Ecumenical Council” on their ideological manifesto, just as, at a local level, the Jansenists who maneuvered the Synod of Pistoia had managed to cloak with authority their heretical theses, which were later condemned by Pius VI. [2]    On the one hand, Catholics look at the form of the Council and consider its acts to be an expression of the Magisterium. Consequently, they seek to read its substance, which is clearly ambiguous or even erroneous, in keeping with the analogy of faith, out of that love and veneration that all Catholics have towards Holy Mother Church. They cannot comprehend that the Pastors have been so naïve as to impose on them an adulteration of the Faith, but at the same time they understand the rupture with Tradition and try to explain this contradiction.    The modernist, on the other hand, looks at the substance of the revolutionary message he means to convey, and in order to endow it with an authoritativeness that it does not and should not have, he “magisterializes” it through the form of the Council, by having it published in the form of official acts. He knows well that he is forcing it, but he uses the authority of the Church – which under normal conditions he despises and rejects – to make it practically impossible to condemn those errors, which have been ratified by no less than the majority of the Synod Fathers. The instrumental use of authority for purposes opposed to those that legitimize it is a cunning ploy: on the one hand, it guarantees a sort of immunity, a “canonical shield” for doctrines that are heterodox or close to heresy; on the other hand, it allows sanctions to be imposed on those who denounce these deviations, by virtue of a formal respect for canonical norms.     In the civil sphere, this way of proceeding is typical of dictatorships. If this has also happened within the Church, it is because the accomplices of this coup d’état have no supernatural sense, they fear neither God nor eternal damnation, and consider themselves partisans of progress invested with a prophetic role that legitimizes them in all their wickedness, just as Communism’s mass exterminations are carried out by party officials convinced of promoting the cause of the proletariat.    
    In the first case, the analysis of the Council documents in the light of Tradition clashes with the observation that they have been formulated in such a way as to make clear the subversive intent of their drafters. This inevitably leads to the impossibility of interpreting them in a Catholic sense, without weakening the whole doctrinal corpus. In the second case, the awareness that doctrinal novelty that was being slipped into the acts of the Council made it necessary to formulate them in a deliberately ambiguous manner, precisely because it was only in making people believe that they were consistent with the Church’s perennial Magisterium that they could be adopted by the authoritative assembly that had to “clear” and circulate them.    It ought to be highlighted that the mere fact of having to look for a hermeneutical criterion to interpret the Council’s acts demonstrates the difference between Vatican II and any other Ecumenical Council, whose canons do not give rise to any sort of misunderstanding. An unclear passage from Sacred Scripture or from the Holy Fathers can be the object of a hermeneutic, but certainly not an act of the Magisterium, whose task is precisely to dispel any lack of clarity. Yet both conservatives and progressives find themselves unwittingly in agreement in recognizing a kind of dichotomy between what a Council is and what that Council – i.e. Vatican II – is; between the doctrine of all Councils and the doctrine set forth or implied in that Council.    Archbishop Guido Pozzo, in a recent commentary in which he quotes Benedict XVI, rightly states that “a Council is such only if it remains in the furrow of Tradition and it must be read in the light of the whole Tradition.” [link] But this statement, which is irreproachable from a theological point of view, does not necessarily lead us to consider Vatican II as Catholic, but rather to ask ourselves whether it, by not remaining in the furrow of Tradition and not being able to be read in the light of the whole Tradition, without upsetting the mens that wanted it, can actually be defined as such. This question certainly cannot be met with an impartial answer in those who proudly profess to be its supporters, defenders and creators. And I am obviously not talking about the rightful defense of the Catholic Magisterium, but only of Vatican II as the “first council” of a “new church” claiming to take the place of the Catholic Church, which is hastily dismissed as a preconciliar.    There is also another aspect that, in my view, should not be overlooked; namely, that the hermeneutical criterion – seen in the context of a serious and scientific criticism of a text – cannot disregard the concept that the text means to express. Indeed, it is not possible to impose a Catholic interpretation on a proposition that, in itself, is manifestly heretical or close to heresy, simply because it is included in a text that has been declared magisterial. Lumen Gentium’s proposition: “But the plan of salvation also includes those who acknowledge the Creator. In the first place amongst these there are the Muslims, who, professing to hold the faith of Abraham, along with us adore the one and merciful God, who on the last day will judge mankind” (LG, 16) cannot be interpreted in a Catholic way – firstly, because the god of Mohammed is not one and triune, and secondly because Islam condemns as blasphemous the Incarnation of the Second Person of the Most Holy Trinity in Our Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true Man.     To affirm that “the plan of salvation also includes those who acknowledge the Creator” and that “in the first place amongst these there are the Muslims” blatantly contradicts Catholic doctrine, which professes that the Catholic Church is the one and only ark of salvation. The salvation eventually attained by heretics, and by pagans even more so, always and only comes from the inexhaustible treasure of Our Lord’s Redemption, which is safeguarded by the Church. While belonging to any other religion is an impediment to the pursuit of eternal beatitude. Those who are saved, are saved because of at least an implicit desire to belong to the Church, and despite their adherence to a false religion – never by virtue of it. For what good it contains does not belong to it, but has been usurped; while the error it contains is what makes it intrinsically false, since the admixture of errors and truth more easily deceives its followers.    It isn’t possible to change reality to make it correspond to an ideal schema. If the evidence shows that some propositions contained in the Council documents (and similarly, in the acts of Bergoglio’s magisterium) are heterodox, and if doctrine teaches us that the acts of the Magisterium do not contain error, the conclusion is not that those propositions are not erroneous, but that they cannot be part of the Magisterium. Period.    Hermeneutics serve to clarify the meaning of a phrase that is obscure or that appears to contradict doctrine, not to correct it substantially ex post. This way of proceeding would not provide a simple key to reading the Magisterial texts, but would constitute a corrective intervention, and therefore the admission that, in that specific proposition of that specific Magisterial document, an error has been stated which must be corrected. And one would need to explain not only why that error was not avoided from the beginning, but also whether the Synod Fathers who approved that error, and the Pope who promulgated it, intended to use their apostolic authority to ratify a heresy, or whether they would rather avail themselves of the implicit authority deriving from their role as Pastors to endorse it, without calling the Paraclete into question.    Archbishop Pozzo admits: “The reason why the Council has been received with difficulty therefore lies in the fact that there has been a struggle between two hermeneutics or interpretations of the Council, which indeed have coexisted in opposition to one another.” But with these words, he confirms that the Catholic choice to adopt the hermeneutic of continuity goes hand in hand with the novel choice to resort to the hermeneutic of rupture, in an arbitrariness that demonstrates the prevailing confusion and – what is even more serious – the imbalance of the forces at play, in favor of one or the other thesis. “The hermeneutic of discontinuity risks ending in a rupture between the pre-conciliar and post-conciliar Church and presupposes that the texts of the Council as such are not the true expression of the Council, but the result of a compromise”, Archbishop Pozzo writes. But this is exactly the reality, and denying it does not resolve the problem in the slightest but rather exacerbates it, by refusing to acknowledge the existence of cancer even when it has very clearly reached its metastasis.    Archbishop Pozzo’s affirmation that the concept of religious freedom expressed in Dignitatis humanae does not contradict Pius IX’s Syllabus of Errors [3] demonstrates that the Council document is in itself deliberately ambiguous. If its drafters had wished to avoid such ambiguity, it would have been sufficient to reference the propositions of the Syllabus in a footnote; but this would never have been accepted by the progressives, who were able to slip in a doctrinal change precisely on the basis of the absence of references to the earlier Magisterium. And it doesn’t seem that the interventions of the post-conciliar Popes – and their own participation, even in sacris, in non-Catholic or even pagan ceremonies – have ever, or in any way, corrected the error propagated in line with the heterodox interpretation of Dignitatis humanae. Upon closer examination, the same method was adopted in the drafting of Amoris laetitia, in which the Church’s discipline in matters of adultery and concubinage was formulated in such a way that it could theoretically be interpreted in a Catholic sense, while in fact it was accepted in the one and obvious heretical sense they wanted to disseminate. So much so, that the interpretive key that Bergoglio and his exegetes wanted to use, on the issue of Communion for divorcees, has become the authentic interpretation in the Acta Apostolicae Sedis [link].
    The aim of Vatican II’s public defenders has turned out to be the struggle of Sisyphus: as soon as they succeed, by a thousand efforts and a thousand distinctions, in formulating a seemingly reasonable solution that doesn’t directly touch their little idol, immediately their words are repudiated by opposing statements from a progressive theologian, a German Prelate, or Francis himself. And so, the conciliar boulder rolls back down the hill again, where gravity attracts to its natural resting place.    It is obvious that, for a Catholic, a Council is ipso facto of such authority and importance that he spontaneously accepts its teachings with filial devotion.     But it is equally obvious that the authority of a Council, of the Fathers who approve its decrees, and of the Popes who promulgate them, does not make the acceptance of documents that are in blatant contradiction with the Magisterium, or at least weaken it, any less problematic.     And if this problem continues to persist after sixty years revealing a perfect consistency with the deliberate will of the Innovators who prepared its documents and influenced its proponents we must ask ourselves what is the obex, the insurmountable obstacle, that forces us, against all reasonableness, to forcibly consider Catholic what is not, in the name of a criterion that applies only and exclusively to what is certainly Catholic.    One needs to keep clearly in mind that the analogia fidei applies precisely to the truths of Faith, and not to error, since the harmonious unity of the Truth in all its articulations cannot seek coherence with what is opposed to it. If a conciliar text formulates a heretical concept, or one close to heresy, there is no hermeneutical criterion that can make it orthodox simply because that text belongs to the Acts of a Council. We all know what deceptions and skillful maneuvers have been put in place by ultra-progressive consultors and theologians, with the complicity of the modernist wing of the Council Fathers. And we also know with what complicity John XXIII and Paul VI approved these coups de main (surprise attacks) in violation of the norms which they themselves approved.    The central vice therefore lies in having fraudulently led the Council Fathers to approve ambiguous texts – which they considered Catholic enough to deserve the placet – and then using that same ambiguity to get them to say exactly what the Innovators wanted. Those texts cannot today be changed in their substance to make them orthodox or clearer: they must simply be rejected – according to the forms that the supreme Authority of the Church shall judge appropriate in due course – since they are vitiated by a malicious intention. And it will also have to be determined whether an anomalous and disastrous event such as Vatican II can still merit the title of Ecumenical Council, once its heterogeneity compared to previous councils is universally recognized. A heterogeneity so evident that it requires the use of a hermeneutic, something that no other Council has ever needed.    It should be noted that this mechanism, inaugurated by Vatican II, has seen a recrudescence, an acceleration, indeed an unprecedented upsurge with Bergoglio, who deliberately resorts to imprecise expressions, cunningly formulated without precise theological language, with the same intention of dismantling, piece by piece, what remains of doctrine, in the name of applying the Council. It’s true that, in Bergoglio, heresy and heterogeneity with respect to the Magisterium are blatant and almost shameless; but it is equally true that the Abu Dhabi Declaration would not have been conceivable without the premise of Lumen gentium.    Rightly, Dr. Peter Kwasniewski states: “It is the mixture, the jumble, of great, good, indifferent, bad, generic, ambiguous, problematic, erroneous, all of it at enormous length, that makes Vatican II uniquely deserving of repudiation.” The voice of the Church, which is the voice of Christ, is instead crystal clear and unambiguous, and cannot mislead those who rely on its authority! “This is why the last council is absolutely irrecoverable. If the project of modernization has resulted in a massive loss of Catholic identity, even of basic doctrinal competence and morals, the way forward is to pay one’s last respects to the great symbol of that project and see it buried.”    I wish to conclude by reiterating a fact which, in my view, is very indicative: if the same commitment that Pastors have exerted for decades in defending Vatican II and the “conciliar church” had been used to reaffirm and defend the entirety of Catholic doctrine, or even only to promote knowledge of the Catechism of St Pius X among the faithful, the situation of the ecclesial would be radically different. But it is also true that faithful formed in fidelity to doctrine would have reacted with pitchforks to the adulterations of the Innovators and their protectors. Perhaps the ignorance of God’s people was intended, precisely so that Catholics would be unaware of the fraud and betrayal perpetrated against them, just as the ideological prejudice that weighs on the Tridentine Rite serves only to prevent it from being compared with the aberrations of the reformed ceremonies.    The cancellation of the past and of Tradition, the denial of roots, the delegitimization of dissent, the abuse of authority and the apparent respect for rules: are not these the recurring elements of all dictatorships?+ Carlo Maria Viganò, ArchbishopSeptember 21, 2020St. Mathew, apostle and evangelistOfficial translation from the Italian by Diane Montagna[1] CCC, n. 114: “By ‘analogy of faith’ we mean the coherence of the truths of faith among themselves and within the whole plan of Revelation.”[2] It’s interesting to note that, even in that case, of the 85 synodal theses condemned by the Bull Auctorem fidei, only 7 were totally heretical, while the others were defined as “schismatic, erroneous, subversive of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, false, reckless, temerarious, capricious, insulting the Church and its authority, leading to contempt for the Sacraments and the practices of Holy Church, offensive to the piety of the faithful, disturbing the order of the various churches, the ecclesiastical ministry, and the peace of souls; in contrast to the Tridentine decrees, offensive to the veneration due to the Mother of God, the rights of the General Councils.”[3] “At the same time, however, Vatican II in Dignitatis humanae reconfirms that the only true religion exists in the Catholic and apostolic Church, to which the Lord Jesus entrusts the mission of communicating it to all men (DH, n.1), and thereby denies relativism and religious indifferentism, also condemned by the Syllabus of Pius IX.”
 The people of Beirut are in need of assistance and we have spoken with our friends, the Maronite Monks, about how we can help. You can make a tax deductible donation here and all donations will go to directly to assist those in need in Beirut, under the direction of the Maronite Church. As a donor, you will have an opportunity to join the conversation on virtual calls with those who are on the ground in Lebanon, helping those in need. Click Here to Help
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SAINT PETER DAMIAN’S “LETTER #164

September 2020

Dear Brothers and Sisters in Christ, 

Welcome, once again, to the League of Saint Peter Damian’s monthly newsletter.  

This month’s Study Guide #16 centers on a now familiar and favorite theme of Saint Peter Damian – the correction of wayward bishops by clerics and laymen.  

Saint Peter Damian had just returned to Fonte Avellana, from a grueling session of a  Roman synod in July 1069, when he wrote Letter 164 to Pope Alexander III.

The two main criticisms of Church practices that the blessed monk covers on this occasion are (1) The almost universal practice of anathematizing by papal decree, without discriminating between greater and lesser offenses; (2) The prohibition  that neither cleric nor layman might expose to higher authority the failings of his bishop. A major part of Letter 164 letter deals with the second problem of episcopal immunity, and its sources.   

Faithful Catholics are well aware that the ongoing ex-Cardinal McCarrick, Monsignor Christoph Kühn, and  Bishop Michael Bransfield sex abuse  scandals involving minor boys and young adult seminarians and priests were known to Church authorities for decades before they became public. But the authorities were silent. And so it happens that Peter Damian’s words come back to haunt us with a most distressing and nagging refrain. 

Saint Peter Damian Pray for Us,                                                                                                                              Randy Engel, DirectorpastedGraphic.png

 STUDY GUIDE #16 September 2020

It is much more tolerable to be despised by men                                                                                                           than to be demoralized in the presence of God’s majesty.

Saint Peter Damian’s Letter 164

On Episcopal Immunity from Valid Criticism

Now, since such incomparable, eminent, and lofty men did not bridle 

at accounting to their  subjects for their own actions, what a figure of arrogance, 

what scornful pride is it, that in our day a bishop should feel so mighty

that he could hide behind the dignity of his office and not appear in court, 

as justice required, to reply to the sons of his diocese 

who insisted that they have been aggrieved.                                                                         

Introduction

To His Lord, Pope Alexander, the monk Peter the sinner offers his service.  

(2) You have written to tell me that I should write to you; you have directed that I should frequently send you my trifling pages, even though they reflect my lack of culture. Truly, I would rather weep than write; in fact, I should weep the more because I am unable to weep. Consequently, I left the synod over which your holiness presided, then so worn out and drained, with my spirit so burdened with agenda and as unyielding as a rock, that it could not be softened by the rains of compunction, or lifted somewhat out of its doldrums by the grace of intimate contemplation. To my way of thinking, what was given to me as penance, was promised to the saints as a gift of grace. … Accordingly, what was granted to holy men as a reward, is inflicted to torment me as I deserve. Wherefore, I have made up my mind that as long as I live, I shall absent myself entirely from Roman synods , unless unavoidable necessity compels me to go.

(3) Moreover, it seems to me that there are two practices frequently employed by the Apostolic See  that need thorough correction, if this should meet with your approval: first, that an anathema is attached to almost all decretal letters,  and secondly, that no member of any diocese, whether cleric or layman, is permitted to expose the failings of his bishop.

(4) Your tender kindness is not unaware of the enormous danger to man’s salvation presented by the first of these, of the bottomless abyss opening up for those who are in sin, and of the disaster for souls that it occasions. For it is said in these documents  that whoever does not observe this or that, or certainly, whoever makes void, what has previously been sanctioned, or violated in any way, let him be anathema. Here we should note how hazardous this is, and how great the danger of suddenly rushing to one’s damnation, so that even before one falls into the pit of eternal death, or is aware that he has been even slightly pushed, his foot, as it were, is already caught  in the hidden snare, just as he thought he was walking along at a free and easy gait.

(5) Therefore, if anyone should fail to observe this apostolic ordinance, or should transgress in even some slight or minor matter, like some heretic or as one found guilty of the gravest crimes, he is at once made liable to the sentence of excommunication. And although, according to the norms of justice, a greater delict is punished in one way, and a lesser in another, here the same indistinguishable penalty, namely excommunication, , is assigned to all, whether they have sinned gravely or venially. Nor does one suffer either the loss of his freedom, or the confiscation of property , nor is he assessed a financial penalty, after the manner of the courts or the decisions of secular law, but is instead deprived of God, the author of all good things.

Let the Punishment Fits the Crime 

(6) Thus, from another man a human being receives the kind of punishment that almighty God himself does not expect for a transgression of the law. For he states, “that who cares more for mother or father than for me,” and he does not immediately add , “let him be anathematized or cursed,” but says only “is not worthy of me,” and in the law it is stated that only “an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, a bruise for a bruise, and a burn for a burn” shall be required, and one who is guilty is not promptly expelled from the synagogue, nor condemned with a curse. Nor do the stoics consider all sins to be equal and therefore subject to indiscriminate punishment, but the amount of penalty must always be meted out in keeping with the type of fault. 

(7) I might add that neither Pope Gregory nor the other Fathers who from time to time presided over the Apostolic See, are known to have practiced this custom in issuing their decrees, except when they end with a short statement of the Catholic faith. Wherefore, if in your holy prudence you find it advisable, let the customary formula be removed in the future from decretal letters. In its place either an amount of pecuniary fine or some other penalty should be assigned for not observing them, lest what for some is seen as a means of safeguarding the provisions, should for others result in disaster for their souls.

Next: The Issue of Ecclesiastical Immunity from Criticism

(8) This statement, moreover, in which it is said: NO MEMBER OF ANY DIOCESE IS ALLOWED TO BRING THE FAILINGS OF HIS OWN BISHOP, AND ANYTHING ELSE THAT IS IN NEED OF CORRECTION, TO THE ATTENTION OF THE GREATER CHURCH,” IS TOTALLY AWRY, AND COMPLETELY OPPOSED TO ECCESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE (bold and caps added). For, who is in a better position to hear the faults of bishops than he who holds the office of superior [the Pope]? And thus, he surpasses all brother-bishops, so that while others are not permitted to do so, he alone may correct the errors of bishops because of the privilege of his own see. What kind of arrogance is this, what haughty disdain , and  finally, what an excess of pride to allow a bishop, right to wrong, to live as he will, and what is the extreme insolence, to deny his subjects the right to be heard? This is especially true, since they may not appeal to the courts of margraves or dukes, nor apply for a decision from secular judges, but must rather approach the Church and present episcopal affairs in need of judgement to their own bishop, so that a case which might be laughed out of court by going to secular authority, may be seriously and properly corrected  when brought before an episcopal tribunal. There, to be sure, the charge will be equitably handled, so that one who is accused might give evidence of his innocence, or humbly confess that he is a sinner. 

(9) Nor should one use the excuse of pleading that he ought not to be charged by those who are his subject, lest he appear to cover up his transgressions and escape justice, as he attempts to divert the injury rising from the allegations to someone else. 

For who is unaware that Peter, the prince of the apostles, received power from on high, was given the authority of binding and loosing whatever he wished in heaven and on earth, walked on the water, healed the sick by having only his shadow fall upon them, killed liars with the sword of his word alone, and by his prayers brought the dead back to life. Yet when this man of such lofty merits went at the inspiration of the Holy Spirit to visit  Cornelius, who was a Gentile, some of the faithful who had been converted from Judaism raised the issue of why he had gone into the house of strangers to the faith, presumed to eat with them, and, what was more, received them in baptism. 

He, I say, who was endowed with the incomparable power of so many heavenly gifts and was outstanding in his performance of so many miracles, did not use his authority to rebuff the questions of his subjects, but humbly replied by citing his reasons, and, like a truthful reporter, properly explained the case: how he had seen a receptacle lowered from the sky, like a sheet of cloth, containing creatures that could walk or crawl or fly, and how he had heard a voice that said: “Up, Peter, kill and eat. He also told them how three men had come to him, asking him to go to Cornelius, and how finally the Holy Spirit had ordered him to go with them. And just as the same Holy Spirit had come down upon those who had already been baptized in Judea, he descended upon the Gentiles, even before they had received baptism.

(10) Therefore, when his disciples found fault with him, and Peter chose to conceal the authority over the Church that had been given him, he might have replied that the sheep committed to his care should not dare to accuse their shepherd. But if he had interposed his rightful prerogative against the complaint of the faithful, he would clearly not have been the doctor of clemency. Hence he did not curb them by using the preeminence of his privileged position, but rather appeased them by his humble reply; and just as though his own word did not suffice to establish his credibility, he also produced witnesses: “My six companions here,” he said,  “came with me.” 

(11) And so, when a bishop is challenged about his actions, he should learn to give an account in all humility, not haughtily playing on the eminence of his high office, nor thinking that he has been wronged when he is corrected by one of his subjects, but should consider him rather as a counselor or as a doctor who will attend to his wound.

King David Bowed Before Nathan’s Charges

When the prophet Nathan reproached David so harshly and severely, did he incur the anger of the king? Did the latter confront the prophet with the dignity of his royal authority, and repel him as if insulting him? Instead, as soon as he recognized he was sick, he gladly accepted the remedy, laid bare the wound, and did not shutter when the knife was applied. Take note of the humble patient who said: “I have sinned against the Lord,” and listen to how quickly the medicine took effect: “The Lord has laid on another the consequences of your sin: you shall not die.”

(12) King Ahab, on the other hand, by distaining to listen to the prophet who upbraided him, was unable to avoid the avenging sword that threatened him. The Lord said: “Because you let that man go when I had put him under the ban, your life shall be forfeit for his life, your people for his people.” And thus David, by listening with an open mind to the accusation of guilt leveled at him, escaped the sentence of death that he deserved, but Ahab, by revealing his anger when corrected, and by wickedly showing mercy to an unworthy king, was not pardoned.

(13) Did not the women who hospitably welcomed the Savior, quarrel among themselves, as one complained about the other for forcing her to get on with the work alone? But Mary might have answered after the fashion of our bishops: “You have accused me, and condemned my idleness and negligence.” Certainly, not every complaint is to be immediately called an accusation. For a compassionate complaint is one thing, while a jealous and hateful accusation is quite another. The former happens that some fault might be  corrected, but the latter is meant to condemn someone who has sinned

St. Peter Bowed Before St. Paul’s Correction

(14) It is clear that Paul rebuked Peter and opposed him to his face, and in the presence of all told him was wrong. Yet Peter did not take offense at this accusation, but accepted it patiently  and in good nature, since he obviously understood that it did no proceed from spite but from charity.

True Shepherds Listen to Their Sheep 

(15) But now one will say: “I am the bishop, I am the shepherd of the diocese. I should not have to put up with these bothersome accusations from the sheep in my charge, and it is my prerogative, for the sake of the faith, to have them tolerate my wayward habits.” Yet tell me, whoever you might be, have you never read what is written in the Gospel: “If your brother sins against you, go and take up the matter with him, strictly between yourselves, and if he listens to you, you have won your brother over. If he will not listen, take two or three others with you, so that all the facts may be duly established on the evidence of two or three witnesses. If he refuses to listen to you, report the matter to the Church.”

(16) THEREFORE, IF A CASE INVOLVING ANY OF THE BRETHREN IS TO BE BROUGHT TO THE ATTENTION OF THE CHURCH, WHY NOT ONE THAT INVOLVES BISHOPS ? (bold and caps added). Moreover, if a bishop who is a sinner in the Church refuses to be interrogated  in the Church, who would then brook coercion by the laws of the Church? Again, as you claim, if it is not permitted the sons of the diocese even to hint at an accusation against you, are witnesses to be brought in from elsewhere, since by living outside the diocese they do not know you and what you are doing?

Blessed Job says, “Have I ever rejected the plea of my slave?” And you state, “God forbid that I should that I should stoop to be tried by my cleric.” And Almighty God  exclaims in the words of Isaiah: “Give the orphan his rights, plead the widow’s cause, and then come and accuse me.” If he, who is the Judge of all things, does not consider it beneath his dignity to be accused by his servants, do you who are a servant flinch at appearing at a trial with your fellow servant? And you who are earth and ashes, worms and dust, do you find it something despicable to humble yourself according to the example of your Maker? You should especially remember what Scripture  says, “If they have chosen you to be their ruler, do not put on airs; behave to them as one of themselves.” 

Who, in fact, is unaware that the Israelites  acted shabbily toward Samuel, and unjustly threw him out of office? And while he might deservedly have denounced them for acting improperly, he gave none of his accusers any further reason for charging him, and asked them whether he had ever been harsh in his dealings with them. “Here I am,” he said, “lay your complaints against me in the presence of the Lord and of his appointed king. Whose ox have I taken, whose ass have I taken? Whom have I wronged, whom have I oppressed? From whom have I taken a bribe, to turn a blind eye? Tell me, and I will make restitution.”

(17) Now, since such incomparable, eminent, and lofty men did not bridle at accounting to their  subjects for their own actions, what a figure of arrogance, what scornful pride is it, that in our day a bishop should feel so mighty that he could hide behind the dignity of his office and not appear in court, as justice required, to reply to the sons of his diocese who insisted that they have been aggrieved.

(18) Therefore, this pernicious custom must be eliminated from the discipline of the Church; this clever attempt at subterfuge must be abrogated, so that anyone who would dare such perverse excuses based on pride, should not be afforded immunity for the crime he has committed. Consequently, a free approach must be provided for just complaints, and appeals to a primatial see must be allowed for those known to be oppressed by their bishop, lest he who in his pride refuses to consider his brothers as his equal, should boast of the uniqueness of his high prerogative. He, moreover, who wields the rod of correction over others, should be aware that the rigorous discipline of the Church is superior to him. And he who does not speak humanely , but like rolling thunder terrifies others with his booming voice, should at length recognize that he is a man, and in humility learn to speak in human words. And thus, as this arrogant prelate is deprived of his boastful eminence, and subjects are relieved by the authority of a greater church, conflict everywhere will be put to rest, and out of fear of a synodal trial, all members of the Church will live together in peace. 

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